Postwar Serbia

Hunting Traitors

AIM Podgorica, 22 June, 1999

(By AIM correspondent from Belgrade)

At the end of the second week of NATO bombing of FR Yugoslavia, on 6 April, Belgrade daily Politika ekspres published a commentary by Miroslav Markovic titled "Curuvija Welcomed Bombs". The commentary was read at the central TV daily news of Radio-Television Serbia (RTS) on the eve of its publication. Observing that "in this situation those who had known even before Kosovo, while the frenzy of the New World Order was dismembering in blood former Yugoslavia, that the Serbs were the sole culprits and that as such had to be punished", the commentator of Politika ekspres referred to the thoughts and words of Mirjana Markovic who back in November 1998 spoke about "the perfidiousness of treason". Exoplaining that "treason has not unfailingly been direct and brutal", president of the directorate of the Yugoslav Left (JUL) added, the commentator quotes: "As for example it appeared to me when a few days ago in JUL the owner of a Belgrade daily said to me that he supported the USA in their wish to bomb Serbia and that this bombing would teach Serbs a lesson". In order to prevent the readers from being in a doubt who this traitor was Politika ekspres immediately adds: "This, of course, was Slavko Curuvija..."

Five days later, Slavko Curuvija was murdered at the entrance of the building in which he lived. Judging by the published details and statements of witnesses, the murder was committed by professionals. In the past ten weeks there have been no reports about the course and results of the investigation. According to this lack of news and results of the investigation, the murder of the owner and founder of Dnevni telegraf and weekly Evropljanin - the first such case in the history of Serbian journalism - does not differ from many previous ones, for instance, the murder of deputy minister of internal affairs Radovan Stojicic Badza or high JUL official Zoran Todorovic Kundak. Nevertheless, the essential difference is the mentioned newspaper commentary which Curuvija himself, if it is true that he said the following about it: "Every fool now has the permission to kill me. But, if somebody has decided to kill me, it is no use for me to try to run anywhere", understood as the verdict.

In epic tradition developed on the basis of the battle of Kosovo, the key point is anticipation of treason and revealing the possible traitor. At the "Count's Supper" on the eve of the battle, Milos Obilic and Vuk Brankovic accuse each other that they would betray the next day. As a dramatic element, this conflict perfectly prepares the subsequent poet's explanation of defeat on the one and sacrifice on the other. Outside literature, the question of treachery and "treachery" among the Serbs probably does not come up more frequently than among other nations, but in the past ten years

• although perhaps not in connection with observing the 600th anniversary of the battle at Gazimestan, Kosovo, in 1989 - political manipulation of "treason" has become an indispensable element of public appearances not only of the Serb Left but also of the Right, but with the murder of Slavko Curuvija it reached literally terrifying proportions.

ENDLESS SUPPER

Despite officially and unofficially proclaimed unity in defence of the country, the "traitor" hunt lasted as long as NATO bombing of Yugoslavia, and it has continued after it was interrupted. "Cancelled" in the media on the first day of bombing by the government of national unity - as the coalition of the Socialists, the Leftists and Seselj's Radicals calls itself - the opposition could be mentioned only as suspected of treason. Among the first targets were Zoran Djindjic, president of the Democratic Party (DS), as the "fugitive" who had fled to Montenegro and his "host", Montenegrin president Milo Djukanovic. After such and similar accusations for "cooperation in the act of treachery", the following day small groups of enraged citizens usually gathered in front of the seat of the Democratic Party. The unusual mixture of militant young people and no less militant elderly men and women threw eggs, strawberries and stones at this building, shouting, carrying or writing slogans such as "Betrayal of Serbia", "Fifth Columnists", "Djindjic - Traitor", "We will kill Djindjic" and similar. Slobodan Vuksanovic, vice president of DS, marked these attacks as "the result of the call to lynch which is broadcast by RTS every day", and in the official statement of this party it is said that "the Vandalic attack on the seat of DS in Belgrade confirms the intention of the regime to ban the operation of DS and other opposition parties, independent trade unions and associations of citizens. This attack shows that the regime is even ready to cause a civil war just in order to remain in power at any cost".

One of the immediate causes for the "spontaneous" condemnation of "traitors" was the May statement of Milo Djukanovic and Zoran Djindjic about the new strategy for Yugoslavia which, instead of former elimination of consequences of the crisis, should be turned into the future. Presumptions for that are establishment of democratic political structures, accelerated economic recovery and intensive regional cooperation, and the condition for that is removal of the current non-democratic authorities. In this sense it is necessary to consolidate democratic forces in the League for Changes, creation of conditions for free and fair elections in Serbia and Yugoslavia, guarantees of the international community that it would help economic reconstruction and European integration of democratic Yugoslavia, isolation of nondemocratic forces and establishment of a special OSCE commission which would monitor political transformation of Yugoslavia.

EXTENDING THE LIST

The first thing that needs to be done according to this proposal - "before the end of the war, clearly state that the plan of democratic and economic reconstruction is the official and binding stand of the international community to the Yugoslav crisis" - has not been done. International plans of reconstruction are instead focused on Kosovo alone, while only humanitarian aid is planned for Serbia. On the other hand, Slobodan Milosevic has already declared the beginning of works on reconstruction of the country by opening rebuilding of the bridge over the Danube near Beska and construction of a housing block in Aleksinac, in the meantime, the army has already laid a few pontoon bridges on key roads, and the federal and the Serbian government have established the Directorate for Reconstruction, headed by the same cadre which became known for futile projects such as "fast railways", Europolis, construction of Chinatown and similar enterprises for the next century. And, of course, the list of traitors is extended.

In the latest tide, at the top of the list are still Milo Djukanovic and Zoran Djindjic. In the meantime, the Patriotic League of Vasojevici from Bijelo Polje joined in the condemnation of Montenegrin president by assessing that the meeting of Bill Clinton and Milo Djukanovic in Slovenia was "a definite seal on all the treachery and shame the Montenegrin regime is bringing upon it own people". The Socialist People's Party (SNP) of Montenegro headed by former Djukanovic's associate, the current Yugoslav prime minister Momir Bulatovic, by estimating that "Montenegrin regime which has, by its policy, contributed to aggression of the USA and NATO against Yugoslavia", "instead to try to wipe the shame off its cheek because of its behavior in general, especially during the aggression against our country, it just continues plotting with America and its satellites in order to bring about the definite dissolution of its own state".

New names on the lists of traitors were made public by Vecernje novosti on 17 June, after the meeting of American special envoy Ricard Gelbard with Milo Djukanovic in Herceg Novi. On the occasion, a gathering was also held of leaders of nonparliamentary Serb parties prepared, according to Vecernje novosti, by former Yugoslav prime minister Milan Panic and former director of RTS Dusan Mitevic, and it was also attended by Vuk Obradovic, Zoran Djindjic, Vladan Batic, Zoran Zivkovic and a "a few other chosen ones". This is actually the only opposition group formed with considerable pains after Together coalition fell apart in 1997, which from the very beginning of NATO bombing showed signs of increase of its otherwise not great political influence. Joining of this League for Changes was paid for dearly by the leader of Social Democracy Vuk Obradovic who was accused because of it of betrayal of (military secrets) back at the time of dissolution of SFR Yugoslavia.

Judging by Vecerne novosti, at the mentioned meeting Vuk Obradovic was criticising Milan Panic "for acting from abroad, as some kind of emigration government, "while we in the country", he said, "have no money either for travelling or for action". "For a second", Panic after that "left the gathering, went to see Gelbard, quickly came back and told Obradovic that for acting against the state nine million dollars would be provided". A day later, Bulatovic's SNP states that "at this ball of profiteers, the role of the court fool was played by American businessman of Serb origin Milan Panic", that except for the already mentioned leaders of the Serbian opposition, "Mr. Milo Djukanovic and Mr. Novak Kilibarda also paid reverence" to Gelbard, and that the total sum of money is bigger and that it is 14 million dollars: 9 "for acting against our state" and 5 "for overthrowing the state leadership of Yugoslavia". On that same day, the Socialists of Nis joined in the condemnation of the participants by claiming that the local opposition authorities from the very beginning "were working in the interest of foreign mentors" and the league of Veterans of the National Liberation War of Belgrade with the message that "Yugoslav unity will not be destroyed by anybody, and quisling regime will not be established... that is why traitors and fifth columnists must be sentenced and punished".

PURPOSE AND SENSE

Finally, another name was added to the list of "traitors" - the Synod of the Serb Orthodox Church (SPC) headed by Patriarch Pavle. The sentence was signed on 17 June by director general of JUL's Borba Zivorad Djordjevic under a commentary titled "Servants of Political Vassals". The key item of the charges is that "the top of SPC is less engaged in work with the believers and church activities, and instead of God's, they are more fond of the will of local political vassals and the intentions of cruel aggressors already tested on this people", that is, that the heads of the SPC "yearn for the change of these authorities which were legally elected by the people" and seek for "new" persons, acceptable for "the international public". The rhetoric of Borba's director general is deadly: the Synod - which had at its special session in mid June demanded change of authorities the policy of which had led to catastrophe - did not wait "at least for the blood to dry and for the corpses of the killed innocent victims of this country to cool, and then to offer theis vassalage to political vassals", and instead "to stand by their people in Kosmet, Patriarch Pavle and the Synod participate in the hue and cry against the legally elected authorities together with NATO murderers and with their help - by force - are humiliating this people and trying to bring to power certain fickle persons and losers in the elections". And so on and so forth. Neither Borba nor its director general commented on the Patriarch's decision to move to Pec and the patriarchate over there in the attempt to prevent with the help of the local priests another Serb exodus from Kosovo and Metohija.

With such diversity of traitors, the verbal chaos was quite predictable with which spokesman of JUL and director of Radio Yugoslavia Ivan Markovic concerning the "group of dishonourable men" gathered around "the respectable fifth columnist" Milan Panic and "informer and servant of the New World Order" Dusan Mitevic, categorically claimed that "never had their been greater traitors nor greater unity of the people". When a part of that united people set out, panic-stricken, together with the army from Kosovo, minister in Serbian government Branislav Ivkovic sent word to it that "departure from this space now is direct treason".

Fear of "betrayal of the people" is known in history of authoritarian regimes. However, if judging by the accelerated unmasking, the virus of "treachery" is spreading through Yugoslavia and Serbia. Some analysts of the Serbian political scene interpreted Draskovic's public appearances before (and after) he was thrown out of the federal government as a premature start of the election campaign, just as in the Radicals' "breaking up" of the coalition with the Socialists and JUL after signing of the withdrawal from Kosovo they saw a move aimed at avoiding responsibility for the policy which had brought about NATO intervention. The ones and the others whole-heartedly worked on revealing "traitors" and "internal enemies". The Radicals were prevented from leaving the Republican government by a decree of the president of Serbia Milan Milutinovic according to which there can be no resignations during the state of war. It is difficult to predict how the crisis of the government will be overcome when the state of war is terminated which expected in the end of June. It is not impossible that even Seselj's Radicals will not be proclaimed traitors. On the other hand, it is evident that the beginning of reconstruction of the country, along with the "traitors" which is the most frequent topic in the media since the interruption of the war, is aimed at consolidation of the Socialist-Leftist regime in Serbia. It is also meant to clear the ground for regular elections: if there will be no surprises, they will take place no sooner than the end of 2000. At this moment, the planned timing of stabilisation of the situation in Kosovo, like for who knows how many times before, is putting the international community in the position of a protector of Milosevic's regime.

Aleksandar Ciric

(AIM)