Nationalism and Albanophobia on the Greek Election Campaign Trail

AIM Athens, 1. 06.1999

"This is the best government Greece had after the [World War II collaborationist] Tsolakoglou government" ("Exousia" 26/5/1999). "The Europathetic [evroligourides] modernizers [code term for the Prime Minister's PASOK faction] remind me of the Germanoevzones [Greek forces which had collaborated with the Germans]" ("Ta Nea" 1/6). These statements may sound like those of a marginal fanatic: they are indeed, and their author is Costas Zouraris, self-proclaimed "Master of the Nation" [Daskalos tou Genous]. One-time leftist, he had become, in the 1990s, one of the most hysterical intolerant nationalists and supremacists.

He is a candidate in the 13 June elections for the European Parliament. However, whereas one would have expected him to be in the list of one of the outright extreme right parties, or at least of the more "respectable" nationalist Political Spring of Antonis Samaras, he is one of the "stars" in the Communist Party of Greece (KKE) list! Making an opening to the "patriotic forces," KKE also enlisted the support of a journalist, up to now well known for her conservative political leanings. She is Liana Kanelli, host of a television program in one of the two leading private stations, "Mega Channel," as well as publisher of the profoundly anti-Western, intolerant and nationalist monthly "Nemesis." Greece's version of the "red-brown" convergence took a spectacular form. Typical of the dearth of serious journalism in Greece, no one asked KKE whether the Zouraris statements mean that the current Simitis government is worse than all the conservative ("reactionary" in ||+ language) ones that had ruled in Greece between World War II and the 1970s. Governments which, including the notorious dictatorial ones (1967-74), had persecuted if not banned the KKE and sent thousands of its members into internal or external exile.

There is no risk that such question may be asked, though. During this election campaign period, parties and journalists rival each other in shows of nationalism, and, in recent days, of Albanophobia. The crisis that followed Ocalan's capture by the Turks after he had left the Greek Embassy in Kenya, as well as the resounding pro-Milosevic attitude of most Greeks in the current Yugoslav conflict have launched a wave of nationalist hysteria which rivals with the one Greece had experienced during the ill-fated conflict over the recognition and the name of the Republic of Macedonia. The few voices of reason have not only been marginalized but have been often times threatened. A long list of intellectuals, journalists and artists have "responded to the call of the nation:" not only did they organize, during both crises, protest concerts and demonstrations, but they have given speeches and made statements that have helped harden the nationalist resolve of public opinion.

Many uttered words that were not simply politically anti-Western, but overtly racist. World famous composer Mikis Theodorakis, erstwhile a moderate voice, went as far as considering a main trait of Western culture the "barbarism of the soul." According to him this explains why "the large majority of 'civilized' citizens of the 'Great West' applauds the beast because it identifies with it." Which beast? "The well-hidden beast inside the Western states has emerged today, thirsty for destruction, blood, and enslavement. It is comparable to the famous slayers of the peoples from antiquity to present time." What about the Western intellectuals who supported the NATO strikes? "They look like the monkeys in the zoos which enjoy so much to show their behinds to the visitors" (all excerpts form an interview in "Exousia" 26/5). Zouraris summarized all that in one phrase: "the war in Yugoslavia is a hyper-barbarous Western bestiality of the beastly people of the West" (Ta Nea, 1/6).

The current government tried to follow a rather unpopular but realistic policy in both cases (Ocalan and NATO strikes). While its popularity slipped badly during the first crisis, it climbed back in an almost spectacular way following the Yugoslav conflict. Perhaps because the latter showed that Greece could become a "collateral damage" of NATO strikes, Greek public opinion started declaring vote intentions more consistent with their preference for prime minister (current prime minister Costas Simitis leads over opposition leader Costas Karamanlis). Hence PASOK conceived the slogan that its critics were "gratuitous smart asses" [tzamba manges]. So, the last opinion polls permitted to be published in Greece (which has an unprecedented two-week publication ban), in late May, showed governing PASOK behind opposition New Democracy by 2%-4% as compared with a lag of up to 11% a few months ago. Since both parties were expected to score much less than in the last parliamentary elections, it seemed that Greece was headed for a close result not even excluding an upset victory of PASOK, but with low percentages for both main contenders that would make the result politically insignificant.

Then came the latest hostage crisis. On 28 May, an Albanian migrant in Greece, reported as Antonis Flamour Pisli, hijacked a public bus in Greater Salonica and took its passengers hostages. Negotiations lasted for many hours in a chaotic situation partly due to the presence and inappropriate direct involvement of the Greek media. Greek authorities had many opportunities to neutralize the hijacker, as everyone witnessed in the live televised scenes. Instead, they gave him 50 million drs. and some weapons (!) and allowed him to flee to Albania with the bus and nine hostages. There, in the early hours on 29 May, according to televised scenes and statements by the hostages and the Greek forensic, during an ambush by Albanian authorities, the captor shot and wounded one Greek hostage, George Koulouris, who then, while trying to get off the bus, was fatally wounded in the chest by the Albanian special forces. The latter also shot and wounded the hijacker and then, instead of capturing him, shot him dead, in front of another Greek hostage, on the bus.

The tragic story stirred public emotions reflecting the traditional xenophobia and especially Albanophobia of Greek public opinion, compounded by a widespread sense of insecurity, which results for the rising crime rate. Opposition parties and most media were quick to try to capitalize on this issue. Most alarmingly, there were press reports in serious pro-government papers that the Greek "government is elaborating a set of 'counter-measures' which includes police operations against illegal Albanians who live in Greece" ("Vima" 30/5) "but also against even all those who lack some formal paper required by the legalization procedure (à) as well as those who have legal papers but cannot prove when controlled that they meet the criteria they had previously declared" ("Eleftherotypia" 30/5).

"Such revolting measures, inspired by a 'collective guilt' principle, are incompatible with democracy and they can only nurture the already strong tendencies of Albanophobia and racism in Greek society" said the Albanian and Greek Helsinki Committees in a joint statement (31/5). "In such cases of tragic incidents, it is necessary to keep the sang-froid and appeal to reason. No effort should be spared to avoid threatening the constructive atmosphere that has characterized the Greek-Albanian relations in recent years," they added.

Romantic wishful thinking, perhaps? RFE/RL reported on 1/6 that "an unnamed high ranking Greek police official told Reuters on 30 May that Greek authorities will 'greatly intensify...the checks on refugees...throughout the country' after an illegal Albanian immigrant hijacked a bus and took nine hostages in Thessaloniki on 28 May." On 31/5, Simitis himself felt he had to publicly reaffirm that all irregular migrants will be expelled. PASOK cadres were privately stating that their electoral success depended on such "sweeping operations" against Albanians.

As one of pro-government weekly "Kyriakatiki Elefhterotypia"'s editors-in-chief, Christophoros Kasdaglis, wrote on 30/5, "the double Albanization of the Euroelections -front against the Albanian government, front against the Albanian migrants- will further cancel their general political importance and will lead to a multifold increase of the danger of racist deviation of Greek society." This convergence of nationalism with Albanophobia can also contribute to a new marginalization of Greece in the Balkan scene, as it had done in the early 1990s, during the "Macedonian" crisis. Then it missed the opportunity to take a leading role in the region. Will that happen again?

Panayote Dimitras (AIM)