Departure of Vuk Draskovic

Changes in the Federal Government

AIM Podgorica, 1 May, 1999

(By AIM correspondent from Belgrade)

The news that federal prime minister Momir Bulatovic (recognised only by one federal unit) on Wednesday, 28 April, in the afternoon, discharged his deputy prime minister Vuk Draskovic of duty, was devoted no more than eight lines in the Thursday issue of Politika. This curt Tanjug's piece of news which says that Bulatovic discharged Draskovic because of his public statement which was contrary to the stand of the government and compromising for its reputation, was quite symbolic. The former deputy prime minister was given approximately the same space in the major state newspaper as he used to have in regime controlled media until January this year, before he joined the government, which leads to the conclusion that along with his removal, the measure of his future significance was in this way indicated to Draskovic. Politika carried this piece of news on its 16th page, where editors on duty in the past few days put news on convicted war profiteers, black marketeers and deserters. From the ranks of the ruling party on that same day reproaches were addressed to Draskovic that he had tried to politically profiteer at the moment when the country is at war and when national unity was needed more than ever.

Draskovic's official departure from power actually began on Sunday, 25 April, in the evening, when he gave an interview to "his" television station, Studio B. In this interview (later re-run a few times), the leader of the Serb Revival Movement (SPO) and at the time still deputy prime minister in the federal government, touched on many topics, but what was probably taken amiss the most was the declaration that "from the beginning of the aggression our people have been deceived and deluded". Draskovic primarily referred to allegations that it was just a matter of moments when NATO would fall apart, "that there is a great split among western allies, that the conflict between Europe and America is so severe that NATO will amount to nothing, that Russia has just about entered into a military conflict with NATO". This was, of course, Draskovic said, out of the question. In the same appearance on Studio B, the leader of SPO also mentioned that "our destiny is in our own hands to the extent to which there is sense in the heads of those who are leading the country". He also predicted that in the following few days a coordination might occur between the Russian and the western plan which would certainly be passed by the UN Security Council, he spoke in favour of UN international forces in Kosovo and in some later appearances claimed that Milosevic himself agreed 99 per cent with this idea.

Such Vuk's assessments, especially his criticism of the authorities for deceiving the people and advocating an urgent compromising solution in order to spare the country further destruction, significantly disrupted the unison of the Serb public opinion established by the war. The part of the public opinion which operates as "an echo of thousand whispers" retold Draskovic's interview to Studio B in great detail and mostly approved of it. Many discussed the motives and the timing of such Draskovic's appearance and at first wondered whether the federal deputy prime minister might perhaps have been once again pushed forward "to break the ice" and feel the pulse of the public. "Again" because on the eve of the beginning of negotiations in Rambouillet (when the official stand was not to go to the negotiations), it was the deputy prime minister Draskovic who suddenly appeared on TV screens and declared that it was "the Serb interest to go to Rambouillet". Two days later this became the official stand.

Draskovic's view of the state of war was this time supported even by the leader of the Democratic Party Zoran Djundjic (who noted, however, that Vuk often changed his views), but those the leader of SPO claimed agreed with him "99 per cent" obviously did not. The problem seemed to have been either in Vuk's poor judgement or in the content of the remaining one per cent. Those whose airplanes are for more than a month killing civilians, demolishing factories and bridges and making craters in parts of cities around Serbia, recognised in Draskovic's interview the first political split in the Yugoslav political leadership and sent word that NATO member states were carefully studying the echoes of this appearance of the deputy prime minister. Draskovic himself hurried to explain that it had not been his intention to make a split in national unity of the country. Nevertheless, he was sent away from the post as a politician who was undermining the authority of the government he had been a member of.

Those who decided to renounce services of Vuk Draskovic and three of his ministers in the federal government, do not have much reason to be angry with the leader of SPO. With his statement, in a way Draskovic tested the public opinion and showed that a significant part of the public favourably reacts to mentioning of an honourable, compromising solution which would help the country be spared from further destruction and demolition. In other words, he has shown that the number is increasing of those who believe that not only the sovereignty of the state must be preserved, but also the people who will enjoy that sovereignty in the future. One could say that this part of the public is incomparably larger than the one which is persistently deluding itself that Serbia will definitely "destroy NATO" in this war or continue to "agonise" it to the final victory. Regardless of the fact that he evidently tested this idea on his own accord, Draskovic made it easier for those who will, perhaps just a liitle later, have to do the same. He, of course, also made it easier for those who share his publicly expressed opinion but were afraid to do it publicly until now.

Vuk's political opponents explain with a touch of malice his expulsion from the authorities primarily as a result of his "rashness and impatience". According to these interpretations, as a member of the government, Draskovic must have been informed that diplomatic efforts for seeking a way to end the aggression against FR Yugoslavia would be intensified, but at the same time he was far from Milosevic and therefrom from true information at what rate and in what direction these activities were proceeding. He reacted instinctively and ran into an "ambush" at the worst possible moment. Although he had been the first who warned against certain parties which were using this war for promoting and imposing their own interest at the time when "there should be only one party - Yugoslavia", in the end he lived to be accused of the attempt to make a political profit from NATO bombs and to satisfy personal political interests.

Estimates at the top obviously showed that with his statement (assessed in Washington and London as the first "crack") Draskovic has aggravated the already difficult negotiating position of Belgrade before the beginning of serious negotiations. With a part of his interview, Draskovic seems to have made military structures angry as well. Although he had on a few previous occasions stressed for Studio B that the Army of Yugoslavia (VJ) had done miracles and heroic deeds resisting the incomparably superior enemy, speaking about the future Draskovic anticipated even more severe NATO attacks and strategy of an "iron ring" around Kosovo which according to him could seriously weaken the units of the Yugoslav army which would be cut off. This statement arrived at the same moment when the leading generals of VJ spoke about high and intact morale of soldiers and officers and their readiness to respond to everything that awaited them in the future. On the same day when Draskovic was discharged, head of VJ General Staff, general Dragoljub Ojdanic gave an interview to editor-in-chief of Politika and among other mentioned that in its impotence the enemy relied on the "divide and rule" tactics, in other words on individuals who were because of their selfish interest ready to act contrary to national unity. In this sentence, many recognised a clear allusion to Draskovc's statements. The editor of Studio B on duty seemed dissatisfied with this part of general Ojdanic's interview, so he omitted it in the central news program.

Draskovic's departure from the government in itself does not have great political weight, just as in January this year, decision of SPO to join the government did not. This government maintained its "stability" with and without him and the three ministers from this party, which is based on cooperation of the Socialists, Radicals and the party of Momir Bulatovic, completely ignoring Djukanovic's Democratic Party of Socialists. The actual position of SPO in this government was best reflected by the influence and appearances of the federal minister of information Milan Komnenic. He travelled around the country and abroad, visited editorial staffs of various media, spoke about the developments in Kosovo and announced liberalisation of the sphere of information. Despite the post he held, whenever it was necessary to make an important statement to foreign journalists in these days of the war, however, former federal minister of information Goran Matic was the one entrusted to do it. Some of the great world news agencies even continued introducing Matic as the minister of information.

When he for the first time addressed the public after his discharge, Draskovic promised that he and SPO would remain what they had been - a democratic and patriotic party which worked solely in the interest of Serbia. In this statement the leader of SPO did not especially bother to stress the attribute "opposition" party. Draskovic's party still holds power in Belgrade and controls Studio B, but it depends on the Socialists and their coalition partners how long that will last. If it had been for the Radicals, Draskovic would have been removed from power both in Belgrade and in city television a long time ago.

When in the beginning of this year he accepted to join the government, Vuk Draskovic described this decision in accordance with his view of politics and with plenty of pathos. He claimed that it was the matter of his personal readiness to sacrifice himself, "to lay himself down as a bridge between Serbia and the world and between Belgrade and Podgorica". The effects of this sacrifice have turned out to have been almost completely futile. Some hundred days after that, Draskovic is not in the government any more, between Serbia and the world there is only one bridge left - the one towards Moscow, while the one towards Podgorica is dangerously shaking. Every night there are less and less real bridges, too.

Spomenka Lazic

(AIM)