Anniversary of Montenegrin Referendum in Favour of FRY

One way Ticket to Paradise

Djukanovic has never, neither in his pre-election appearances, nor later, clarified what he actually meant by the phrase "FRY with Alternative". Bulatovic has never even hinted that he was ready to accept peacefully the results of voting on the destiny of Montenegro should they be contrary to his will. The Army of Yugoslavia has already declared that decisions of Montenegrin assembly and Montenegrin government were not binding for it. As customary, Milosevic does not waste his breath, but acts

AIM Podgorica, 2 March, 1999

On Monday, 1 March, it was exactly seven years since Montenegrin citizens said their historical - "YES" to the question of their authorities whether they wished "Montenegro as a sovereign republic to continue to live in Yugoslavia, absolutely equal with other Yugoslav republics which might wish to do the same". This March, the jubilee of conception of FRY passed in almost complete silence. Only Montenegrin Liberals tried to call up memories of the glorious days. "Need the citizens of Montenegro be reminded of the formulation of the referendum question which was nothing but a fraud and was intended to confuse voters, or of the fact that the referendum was organised in the period when Montenegro was affected by war-mongering hysteria provoked by DPS (Democratic Party of Socialists) and when it was in a war surroundings. The Liberal League of Montenegro (LSCG) reminds the citizens that the referendum was not the result of rapprochement between the Serb and the Montenegrin people as the DPS manipulated at the time, but with that act Montenegro was handed over to the regime of Slobodan Milosevic to enable him to continue war in the name of false Yugoslavdom and alleged concern for Serbdom".

Not even this "tenderness" of the Liberal League could provoke anybody to breach the vow of silence. There were more urgent things to do. On the day of the anniversary of the referendum, all the media published two news which quite precisely illustrate achievements of modern federalism the historical mission of which was to lift all republican barriers and boundaries. This is the best illustration of the gained constitutional freedom: "All 68 workers of the customs offices in Podgorica and Bar who had been transferred to customs offices in various towns of Serbia by the decision of the director of the Federal Customs Administration Mihalj Kertes, decided not to observe the order of their superior". And: "The two-hour talks behind closed doors in the Chamber of the Economy of Yugoslavia with representatives of the federal and the Serbian administration on difficulties in trade between federal units ended with no concrete results".

Just a short time prior to that, a lively discussion developed between Montenegrin authorities and the Army of Yugoslavia on the topic about who was authorised to decide whether Montenegrin land, sea, sky and man-power, when needed, would be put in war operation. On the occasion of Kertes' activities and in case of possible patriotic operations of the Army of Yugoslavia against NATO, an enormous amount of patriotic dust was kicked up in which certain details were somehow "forgotten". Federal Customs Administration is in fact entitled by constitution to deploy Montenegrin customs officials wherever it sees fit, without having to consult anybody in Montenegro. Of all the important military tasks, after it had abolished its territorial defence in compliance with modern federalism, the only authority Montenegro still has is to bear and raise man-power. All that is established by the principles of the Constitution of FRY written in Zabljak, and they were conceived at the 1992 referendum.

The situation in Montenegro is nowadays optimistic. The National Party and the Social Democratic Party - members of the ruling coalition - have for a long time publicly claimed that the referendum on Montenegro joining the FRY was undemocratic and illegitimate. Social Democrats propose that the federal state, by agreement between Serbia and Montenegro, be peacefully transformed into association of sovereign states. The Nationals continue to be loyal to the joint state, but demand that the citizens of both Serbia and Montenegro declare themselves in favour or against it in fair conditions. So far only the Democratic Party of Socialists of Milo Djukanocvic and the Socialist National Party of Momir Bulatovic are the only ones which do not question the democratic origin and realization of the referendum. This however does not prevent them in mutual everyday communication of members of the once united party to use the word "traitor" more often than a comma. "Montenegro is not Slovenia. Montenegro is an integral part of Yugoslavia, it wishes to live in FRY in regular conditions, to contribute to progress, prosperity and democracy. But, Montenegro will not permit to be ruled by means of Montenegrin moral degenerates", this is how Montenegrin president Djukanovic defends himself from accusations that he is secretly dreaming about independent Montenegro. "Decisions of Montenegrin government are anti-Yugoslav, anti-Montenegrin and anti-constitutional, and undermine the indivisible defensive system of Yugoslavia", it is persistently claimed in the ranks of Momir Bulatovic.

The only thing that is quite clear is that Montenegro indeed is not Slovenia. Divided from within, restrained by double chain of sanctions, it is foaming with passion and helplessness to determine its own way. Realistically speaking, the only Djukanovic's sin is that he took the formulation about "absolute equality" from the referendum question too seriously and that he has expressed inconvenient ambition to build Yugoslavia out of FRY.

"There is no such thing as abstract Yugoslavdom. FRY is what Serbia and Montenegro agree it will be", Montenegrin president keeps repeating. He and his DPS still express public belief that this transformation of FRY can be performed within the limits of the Zabljak constitution - it is necessary just to be patient and wait until Milosevic descends from power. In the Socialist National Party they believe that the task of FRY is somewhat different. "With the referendum we have enabled persistence of century-long aspiration of Montenegro to continue to be the stronghold of Serbdom and Yugoslavdom", declared Momir Bulatovic immediately after the visit to the polls in the capacity of the first Montenegrin president. What he said then he still means now.

Until the split in the leadership of DPS, Montenegro has meekly done its duty to the fatherland. National Socialists believe that the constitution written in Zabljak is a solid foundation for expansion of boundless Yugoslavdom - all one needs to do is wait for the people to overthrow the unpatriotic regime of Milo Djukanovic. In the meantime, FRY operates as a sum of two well enclosed bunkers.

In such a situation, various unexpected shifts occur, of course. For some time the leading persons from the coalition "For Better Living", after each foul from Belgrade, rattled the threat that Montenegro would reconsider its status in FRY. Then SNP got hold of this idea. Accusing the Montenegrin leadership that "on the sly, behind the people's back, they are trying to secede from Yugoslavia", its representatives are for quite some time now demanding urgent scheduling of a referendum. Djukanovic regularly replies that the supply of Yugoslavdom in Montenegro has not been spent yet and that it will manage to take Serbia along its road of reform. Only on condition Kosovo acquires the status of the third federal unit, all partners in the ruling coalition announce that a referendum will be obligatory.

Reality is even more complicated than the prevailing story about it. Nobody can make a precise estimate, but various indicators show that concerning its state status Montenegro is nowadays cut into two halves - like an apple. The line of division passes through every Montenegrin home. A single stormy night, a spark, would be sufficient for the world to see what a real fratricidal war is like. Milosevic and both Bulatovic and Djukanovic are well aware of that, so whenever they se fit they increase the dose of fear to such an extent that entire life in Montenegro is reduced to helpless waiting for doomsday.

Neither in its election campaign nor later on, the coalition "For Better Living" has ever made it clear what it really means by "FRY with alternative". SNP has never even hinted that it was ready to peacefully accept results of voting if they are not to its liking. The Army of Yugoslavia has already declared that decisions of Montenegrin assembly and Montenegrin government were not binding for it. As usual, Milosevic does not waste his breath but acts.

Everybody knows: when the international community finally solves the puzzle of Kosovo and Serbia, it will be too late for Montenegro to put its state status on the agenda of world politics. A considerable part of Montenegrin citizens will live in the conviction that at the 1992 referendum their chance to choose freely was stollen from them. This is the firmest bases for future disturbances in Montenegro; the strongest guarantee that immemorial Montenegrin divisions will outlive the twentieth century.

ESAD KOCAN (AIM)