Hypocrisy Over Human Rights.

The International Community as Accomplice to the Kurdish Tragedy and to Ocalan's Savage Abduction.

AIM Athens, 17 February, 1999

"Like the Kurds, I feel betrayed by European policy on the Kurdish issue" declared Danielle Miterrand, President of "France-Libertes," soon after the abduction of Abdullah Ocalan by Turkey in Kenya and his transfer to Turkey two days ago. What else can a sincere, consistent and uncompromising human rights defender say when faced with international hypocrisy and double standards that practically legitimized Turkey's defiant action.

European and North-American governments refused to grant Ocalan asylum and, applying international law, to bring him to justice in a state of law, so that he could answer to the charges against him in a fair trial. Naturally, the same court should hear the case against those Turkish authorities also charged with similar criminal acts against the Kurdish people. The crimes of both sides have been convincingly documented by, among others, internationally respected NGOs. It was thus demonstrated beyond any reasonable doubt and in a very rude way that absolutely no government in the world shows respect for human rights: they simply invoke them only when they happen to further their interests or electoral aspirations. Most revealing was the statement of EU Commissioner Hans van der Broke that "the EU cannot dictate to Turkey the terms of a solution" of the Kurdish problem. As if we have not been witnessing the EU and the USA doing exactly that to Yugoslavia in Rambouillet over Kosovo. Hail to the hypocrites! Now they all rush to appeal for a fair trial for Ocalan in Turkey! Suffice it to remind all that the European Court of Human Rights has repeatedly issued its verdict: many rulings and even more pending cases that have been favorably considered for the plaintiffs are almost always based on the absence of a fair trial. Often times, such court decisions are based on the composition of the unacceptable for a well-functioning democracy "special state security courts," a variant of martial courts for civilians.

The position of the USA, the country which, almost alone in the world, resorts in executing minor convicts, was even more shameful. To the credit of its media, they, unlike most Balkan media, have no problem embarrassing their government on sensitive national issues. So, on the very day of the capture of Ocalan, CBS rushed to remind its audience of the decisive US contribution, through the military arsenal given to Turkey, not only to the military operations against the PKK, but also to the atrocities against civilians in Southeast Turkey (or Turkish Kurdistan). Today, the US government, by congratulating Turkey for the "arrest" of Ocalan, approved of an act that discredits the fundamentals of international law, since Ocalan was anything but legally extradited to Turkey, even by Kenyan law. The US government thus continues to be the accomplice of, accessory to and extoller of Turkish crimes, an attitude for which they are legally liable in states of law. As if to make matters crystal clear, the US in almost the same phrase expressed their satisfaction that Turkey allows them to use the Incirlik base for the raids against Irak. With such high stakes, Turkey can enjoy de facto immunity for her human rights violations, which are only ritually reported in the probably meaningless annual State Department "Human Rights Reports."

Regretfully, Kurdish leaders do not make their task easier by identifying themselves with abhorrent nationalists in countries like Greece. The day after Ocalan's abduction, the Speaker of the Kurdish Parliament in Exile Yasan Kaya gave a press conference in Athens alongside a number of notorious Greek intolerant nationalists who, on a large number of other issues, have repeatedly demonstrated that they have absolutely no respect for human rights. Their support for the Kurdish struggle is motivated by their passionate anti-Turkish feelings: that is why they have never uttered even a word of sympathy for the plight of thousands of Kurdish refugees in Greece. Such an attitude can only harm the international appeal of the Kurdish struggle, as it confirms the impression that Kurdish leaders have in turn no respect for democracy.

One can therefore only vigorously condemn the decision of all these Kurdish leaders to channel the legitimate wrath of the Kurdish diaspora against Greek diplomatic delegations. Greece has consistently and in many ways, some times constructive other times awkward, backed the Kurds and, especially recently, Ocalan. So, besides the obvious condemnation of blind violence used by many demonstrators, one cannot understand why the discontent was not channeled (of course not by hostage taking) towards the real and main instigators of the Kurdish tragedy. Instead, the Kurdish leaders carried out the threat their ultranationalist Greek supporters had announced during the last weekend: should Greece force Ocalan to leave the Greek Embassy in Nairobi, in the direction of one of the safe-passages offered to him, Kurds will attack Greek legations around the world and will immolate themselves. PKK thus sided with the nationalist Greek faction which has consistently undermined Prime Minister Costas Simitis ever since the Imia/Kardak conflict that almost brought to war Greece and Turkey. Only to vindicate those who believe that these dangerous if not deranged Greek and Kurdish nationalists really believe that the Kurdish problem will be resolved only as a result of such a war.

The Greek government, finally, managed once more to do the right thing in the wrong way, only to be perceived by many as a near accomplice to Ocalan's abduction. Instead of following the steps of its Italian counterpart which had publicly handled Ocalan's presence in that country, Athens opted for secretive, conspiratory and often deceptive tactics, which also included negotiating with the government's ultra-nationalist foes and supporters of the PKK. Greek authorities had the legitimate and moral right, if not obligation, to make the EU take a stand on Ocalan's political asylum and use the opportunity to help impose a solution to the problem, along the "Rambouillet model." After all, if the Kosovo conflict had brought death to over 2,500 people and displacement to quarter of a million people in one year, these figures are just the respective annual averages in the violent Turkish-Kurdish conflict of the last decade. However, Foreign Minister Theodore Pangalos was instead searching for an African hideaway for Ocalan and apparently forced the latter to seek an exit that made him a sitting duck for the Turkish secret services.

Prime Minister Costas Simitis should now draw the necessary conclusions and part with the ministers who, with their notorious arrogance, damaged once again Greece's interests. All three (Pangalos along with Ministers of Interior Alekos Papadopoulos and of Public Order Philip Petsalnikos) had already exposed Greece in the past with the way they (mis)handled other issues with a human rights dimension. Chances are though that Simitis will once again show the lack of courage to rid his government from persons who are not in line with his modernist approach. At the same time, Greek political parties need to expel their extreme nationalists if they are to have a presentable European profile. They are not expected to do it though, as their partners in the respective European parties do not seem to care.

Just as chances are that the insensitive, hypocritical attitude of the international community will not change. But, at least from now on, it will also be the accessory to the expected continuing violent reactions of the desperate Kurdish people, which may be a potential time bomb in some countries like Germany.

Panayote Dimitras