Hungarian Christmas Challenge

Podgorica Jan 15, 1999

Kasa-Milosevic Dialogue, A Year After

AIM Podgorica, 11 January, 1999

(By AIM correspondent from Belgrade)

"The League of Voivodina Hungarians (SVM) will not settle down for kind words, but demands concrete results", says Jozsef Kasa, president of the most powerful party of Hungarians in Voivodina, disappointed with the annual balance sheet of the talks in the White Court (residence of Slobodan Milosevic), but readily replied by offering the agreement on political foundations of self-administration in Voivodina

"No, I did not regret it", said a year ago Jozsef Kasa, leader of the strongest party of the Hungarians in Voivodina, who as soon as he sat down on Milosevic's divan, had to face suspicion and distrust, and even open accusations of collaboration with the regime, both among members of his ethnic group and his political rivals, but also among Serbian opposition. "It was necessary to start negotiations because in the past years, Hungarians in Voivodina have been deprived of so many rights, there was so much discrimination and pressure", president of Voivodina Hungarians clarified reasons for his dialogue with the host of the White Court. Kasa started his talks with Milosevic by putting down on his table a file which contained evidence for his opening sentence according to which considerable deterioration of the position of this minority occurred during the ten-year rule of his interlocutor.

And although concerning the delivered demands Kasa even allowed himself some "cautious optimism", nowadays, a year after two consecutive dialogues on the divan, Kasa does not hide disappointment with their results: "Now I can say that little or hardly anything has been done of that which Milosevic had then assessed as our main demands". Nevertheless, according to his own words, he still does not regret it and adds: "It was and still is my obligation to try to talk with those who want to talk, we had an extremely honest approach, and if they do not want such a discussion, there is nothing I can do about it... Results are almost equal to zero. Because, except for opening of one class of Sombor teachers' college in Subotica where since last fall about 50 future teachers are studying in Hungarian, as oposed to the earlier four, which is indeed very important - none, absolutely none of the bunch of given promises has been fulfilled..."

Does it mean that this story about the anniversary of the dialogue of the authorities and the Hungarian minority - except for one class of future teachers and their future pupils - is altogether a loss? Who has gained, and who has lost? Has it proved, therefore, that only those who a year ago

  • when serious straining of the situation in Kosovo was already very much in sight - had warned that Milosevic's only intention was to present himnself to the international community as a negotiator who was ready to talk with minorities. Indeed, president of FRY himself offered evidence for this thesis having praised the Hungarians in his interview to the Washington Post for having fitted in nicely. And they practically have everything they need. To Kasa's unconcealed wonder: "I am not interested in that, I am interested, for example, in getting Hungarian schools, and he may boast with whatever he pleases", mayor of Subotica retorted whenever he was forced during the whole year to reject accusations that he had sold to the Socialists, that Gorica Gajevic (a high official of the SPS) wrote his statements, that he gave up on being the opposition, that he was trading Voivodina... And he did not get "Hungarian schools" or anything else. Except for one class.

The balance sheet, however, could hardly remain like this. Even if with little effort Milosevic did get (and used) the opportunity to brag with the dialogue which cost him the least (because "Hungarian demands" with some good will can be solved comparatively easily and with no major political inconvenience for him), a year later this trump card seems to be spent. He will not be able to say that he did not know about certain problems and demands, as he did after Kasa's testimony a year ago, and even "reproached his associates for having brought about the situation in which the right to use Hungarian was so limited". He should also explain why the proposal of the group of deputies of the SVM on amendments of the Republican law on the official use of language passed completely unnoticed.

Besides, even if a year ago, around Christmas holiday, Kasa could not resist the challenge to sit down at the most famous divan in the country, it is also obvious that he has confirmed his leadership in political ranks of Voivodina Hungarians. In the past ten years of participation in political life Kasa has confirmed that he has learned the skill of a pragmatist. A pragmatist who will sit on the divan, but at the same time publicly declare that "the president did not keep his promise", even that he "lied", and demonstrate in front of the building of the general staff because soldiers were sent to Kosovo.

In the past few days, around Christmas holidays again, while waiting in vain for Milosevic to remember their mutual agreement to meet on the anniversary of the beginning of the dialogue in order to sum up what has or has not been done of what was promised, Kasa has best shown that he has the skill of a real-politician. That is why, along with unsuccessfully ringing the president's office every day, Kasa has publicly launched the new "Christmas challenge" in the form of the draft agreement on political framework of self-administration in Voivodina. The challenge, according to Kasa and his party lies also in the moment ("it is the historical moment") and in the concept (abandoning the ethnic and resolving minority issues, that is by combining the ethnic and democratic organization of the province) and in the addresses to which this "open document" has been sent.

Therefore, not only Milosevic and his authorities are challenged, but also the opposition parties ("SVM will not settle down for kind words, but demands concrete results, and we will talk and cooperate with anybody who wants to talk, and if the authorities do not want to talk, there is nothing we can do about it. We will talk with those who will"), as well as rival ethnic Hungarian parties ("we are still open"), and finally the international community ("Kosovo conflict should be sealed, it is not the time to resolve theoretical places of conflict..."). It remains to be seen what will be the destiny of the concept which sumultaneously intends to bring the autonomy of Voivodina back to life, introduce two chambers into its assembly - the chamber of citizens and the chamber of ethnic communities, and set up special ethnic councils for ethnic communities which would decide about all linguistic, cultural and educational rights, and establish the institution of ombudsman in the assembly.

The challenge was so far accepted by the president of the Democratic Community of Voivodina Hungarians, Sandor Pal, who by having joined Kasa, announced changes in distribution of power on the ethnic Hungarian political scene of Voivodna. His proposal on "return to Voivodina autonomy" was also welcomed by a few so-called autonomy-loving parties.

Zuzana Serences (AIM)

Z.S.