TIRANA - PRISTINA: NO CONTACTS

AIM Tirana, 18 December, 1998

Tirana and Pristina still do not communicate. The ice of the Balkan winter has not interrupted only the combats in the field, but also contacts across the border. After the past hot summer which marked the climax of the unproclaimed political crisis between Albania and Kosovo, there was a short gap during which both parties seemed to have been preoccupied with its internal problems. In September this year, Tirana experienced return of chaos to its streets after the murder of opposition deputy Azem Hajdari, which caused the fall of central institutions of the state, while Pristina was preoccupied with war bulletins which arrived daily in Pristina from villages and towns surrounded by Serbian forces. Everything seemed to have been definitely paralysed in autumn this year when solutions proposed by Kosovans themselves concerning the crisis were more distant from each other than ever and when it seemed that diplomacy in Tirana had fallen into some kind of futile lethargy. Almost no information were exchanged between the two capitals, there were neither official nor secret consultations ever since last spring when Rugova and Bukoshi rejected the proposal of Meidani and Nano on organisation of regular round table discussions in Tirana. Nobody could understand at the time what had been the motives of this refusal, while on the other hand it was clearly seen that absence of coordination of stands often led to confusion in relations with offices of international institutions which are still waiting for the joint official stand of the Albanians on a lasting solution for the severest crisis the Balkan is experiencing.

Nevertheless, in the created vacuum due to respective internal crises, moreover due to different stands the two parties had been defending for months, there were signs which pointed to certain harmonisation. A few days ago, via press in Pristina, Albania's foreign minister Paskal Milo appealled on all political forces of Kosovo and others "who are operating in the field" to gather in Tirana around a table where creation of all-Albanian joint stands on the latest expected developments would be discussed. Published at the moment when efforts of ambassador Hill to mediate between Belgrade and Pristina have started to reveal significant differences which are eroding from within the political life in Kosovo, Milo's appeal was accompanied by an open call for "union around the great cause in order to avoid being losers".

Some time ago, at a meeting convened by president Meidani with representatives of parliamentary parties of Kosovo in Tirana, the talks were focused on the same item - creation of unique stands of all Albanians. Meidani demanded from politicians in Kosovo, but also the premanent representative of Bukoshi's government in Tirana Iliaz Ramaili to convey concern of Albanian officials because of almost total lack of cooperation and communication with Kosovo politicians.

After the Socialists had come to power, contacts between Tirana and Pristina have become very rare. Rugova who used to be a frequent visitor of the Albanian capital has not been seen in Tirana since September 1997. On the other hand, Bukoshi's visits, although more frequent, were sometimes just formal and often received with uneasiness. Official Tirana has almost openly accused Bukoshi of having been implicated in violent events of 14 September and having supported Berisha. However, like every year, Bukoshi visited Tirana on the occasion of the celebration of the Day of Independence of Albania, far from the attention of the press, but not that of foreign diplomats in Tirana. However, contacts with Bukoshi can hardly be considered to be contacts with Pristina, both because he lives in exile and because his already known disagreements with Rugova.

It seems difficult for Tirana to establish where the centre of gravity of Albanian policy in Kosovo is nowadays. Its relations with Rugova and Demaqi do not seem to exist at all, while contacts with Qosja, Suroi and others are sporadic. In fact, there seem to be a few facts which affect and which will affect decision-making in the future, but it is uncertain to what extent the official Tirana will be able to affect them.

Until now, western diplomacy has tried to contribute to reaching of a concensus about the political solution of the crisis. The recent unsuccessful such endeavour envisaged a session of consultations with political parties and representatives of the OVK in Washington. The initiative of Congressman Engel failed for still unknown reasons, while Adem Demaqi as the political representative of OVK will spend the next ten days in New York at the invitation of Albanian diaspora.

American demarche for gathering of Kosovo politicians outside Kosovo which is stricken by war and tensions is in fact a very intelligent tactic to force factions of an utterly divided political class come out with a joint option concerning the plans ambassador Hill is elaborating and concerning the beginning of a dialogue between Pristina and Belgrade about the future status of Kosovo.

Concerning the latter Tirana has already spoken its piece and this seems to be one of the most significant reasons for estrangement with the brethren from across the border. A few months ago, at the time when government of Fatos Nano was in power, Albania openly declared itself in favour of a transitional status of Kosovo as the third republic in the federation with equal status as Serbia and Montenegro. Nano who was trying to quickly adapt to messages coming from the west at the time paid the full internal and political price for having taken such a course, facing very sharp criticism of the opposition in Tirana and the icy official stand in Pristina. It appears, he had assumed that later on, as it actually happened, Kosovo leaders would arrive at the same position, and they are actually nowadays admitting that they could accept the status of the Republic of Kosovo if it were transitional and temporary. Reasons for the beginning of public estrangement between Tirana and Pristina seem to be in the very short-term stand to the crisis. And nothing to say about the wish of Rugova, Bukoshi and Demaqi to have the political initiative concerning the development of the crisis on the international level.

New prime minister Majko, having refused to attend the Balkan summit in Antalya in order to avoid a possible contact with Milosevic (in case he should be there), resumed the previous vocabulary on Kosovo, and even referred to the declaration of the Albanian parliament on recognition of the republic of Kosovo. In fact, Majko's statements seem to be meant as some kind of nationalistic competition to opposition leader Berisha who is intensifying his own nationalistic stands. Berisha has put the card of "civil nationalism" on the table, accusing the Socialist government of having deprived Albania of every influence on the question of Kosovo.

Indeed, it seems that the importance of the role of Albania when Kosovo is concerned has decreased especially since transfer of soldiers of the Liberation Army of Kosovo (OVK) and weapons across Albanian territory has been interrupted. Numerous internal problems have greatly weakened the voice of Albania in discussions on Kosovo. Fear that Tirana will stimulate Albanian nationalism seems to be very small, especially when one has in mind the fact that it is very difficult to detect a high dose of nationalism in Albania.

However, time is passing and Hill's plan will soon be put on the negotiating table, either as the result of an agreement or it will be imposed. In Tirana where stands are not directly influenced by daily developments Kosovo politicians are faced with the impression prevails that this day is very near and that achievement of internal Albanian concensus is still very far away. The latest Milo's invitation for a discussion in Tirana is just an expression of concern that without a joint stand on main issues which should become part of a comprehensive agreement on the presence and the future of Kosovo, it will be very easy for Belgrade to point its finger at the Albanians as the people who "cannot even reach an agreement among themselves". However, it is hard to predict to what extent Albania can actually influence all that.

Arben KOLA