Initiative on Alliance of Sovereign States of Serbia and Montenegro

In the Vicious Triangle

AIM Podgorica, 3 january, 1998

The Social Democratic Party (SDP), one of the members of tripartite ruling Montenegrin coalition, came out last week with the proposal on redefining the state status of Montenegro. "Starting points for establishment of new relations between Montenegro and Serbia" were made public in which instread of the present federation, two republics are seen as independent states which might, after international recognition and individual joining the OUN, establish an alliance with each other. For Social Democrats, remaining in the federation is disastrous for Montenegro. In this way the smaller Republic is not only risking transition to democracy, announced political and economic reforms, but even its very survival.

According to the words of Zarko Rakcevic, president of the SDP, the document is solely the initiative of this party. It was made without consultations with its coalition partners, the Democratic Party of Socialists (DPS) and the National Party (NS), which are verbally in favour of FRY and the federal relation between Montenegro and Serbia. But, although just a few years ago the independist stand of Montenegrin Social Democrats was treated as treason even by representatives of the DPS and the Nationalists, the latest initiative of the SDP was welcomed now with just mild reservations, behind which one could even detect approval. Therefore, some Montenegrin analysts are inclined to believe that the proposal of the SDP is in fact just a testing probe with which Montenegrin authorities are trying to investigate the disposition of its own public towards the idea of sovereignty, but also to see the reaction of the "big brother"

• Serbia. In Montenegro itself, the "alliance of sovereign states" was sharply attacked by Bulatovic's Socialist National Party (SNP). Representatives of this party called the document presented by SDP as just another "separatist act" of Milo Djukanovic, who was according to them, ever since the split in the DPS, systematically destroying the joint state. Bulatovic's Socialists say that Rakcevic is just loudly saying what Djukanovic secretly intends to do and for what he is allegedly asking support in world capitals.

Equally sharp were reactions among ruling Serbian circles. The most explicit in criticism of Djukanovic's and Rakcevic's "separatist road" were Ivica Dacic, spokesman of the Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS) and the leader of the Radicals Vojislav Seselj. After sharp words, punishment from Belgrade followed. In the Federal Constitutional Court, official Podgorica has lost another battle - election of the Montenegrin delegation which should have represented Montenegro in the Chamber of the Republics of the Assembly of FRY was proclaimed contrary to the Constitution. Therefore, instead of deputies of the victorious coalition, in the Chamber of the Republics Montenegrins will continue to be represented by Bulatovic's Socialists and Bojovic's Nationalists. Such urgent decision of the Federal Constitutional Court, although expected - because in the past year Montenegro has regularly lost all litigations in it - met with vehement criticism in Podgorica. After the federal government which Montenegrin regime does not recognise, the federal assembly has finally become illegitimate, too. This practically means that, with the exception of the Supreme Defence Council, legally elected Montenegrin representatives are not present in a single federal agency.

Therefore, if in the course of last year Milosevic has managed to abolish almost all federal institutions, does the federal community exist at all, or are Montenegro and Serbia already in some kind of a loose alliance of sovereign states, but it is necessary that someone in Montenegro say so and that Serbia accept this and the international community help legalize matters?

However, in the Balkans and with Milosevic nothing is that simple - especially not recognition of the right to self-determination for Montenegrins. Indeed, some South Slavic nations have paid dearly for having insisted on that right - by great bloodshed and destruction. Fearing a dangerous conflict which has been announced from Belgrade but even from "Bulatovic's Montenegro" itself for quite some time, the official Podgorica seems to have chosen the strategy of silent struggle for economic independence from Belgrade, and not for clamorous insisting on a separate state. In the past few months, Montenegro has regained some of the responsibilities which it had generously transferred to the federal administration at the time of great love with Serbia. Podgorica has already taken charge of customs and export-import permits. It is also announcing its independent economic policy for 1999. Due to strikes of inflation, separate Montenegrin currency is increasingly mentioned or some other form of protection from arbitrariness of monetary authorities in Belgrade. Montenegro is trying to pursue its own foreign policy as well - to show the world the "other way" it is taking. For the announced reforms it has received clear political support of the USA and Europe, a humble economic aid, but not lifting of the outer wall of sanctions. Djukanovic was also given promises of special assistance of the USA should Milosevic attack Montenegro by force, but not support in the struggle for independence.

On the contrary it seems that in Washington Montenegro is increasingly linked to the federation. The reason for such a categorical stand should primarily be sought in western plans for resolving the problem of Kosovo. It is no secret that the prevalent opinion in international circles is that it will be easier to persuade Kosovo Albanians to some kind of alliance with the Serbs if Montenegro remains in the federal state. Hope is also cherished that Djukanovic might even democratize FRY.

This specific "cementing" of FRY is one of the main reasons for the initiative of the SDP on the alliance of sovereign states. "The international community which, when the problem of Kosovo is concerned, until recently insisted on territorial integrity of Serbia, is now insisting on territorial integrity of FRY. This means that Montenegro is in fact treated in the same way as Kosovo. American administration which until recently spoke only about Montenegro and Serbia is nowadays using the name FRY when speaking of them. We are, therefore, denied the right to self-determination, although it was given to us way back in the report of Badintir's commission, along with all the other republics of former Yugoslavia. With this document we are calling attention of the international public to the fact that the USA are trying to impose on Montenegro a solution which might lead to a tragedy of a small nation and a small state", says president of the SDP, Zarko Rakcevic, in his explanation of the initiative of his party.

However, Rakcevic believes that "nobody can give you anything if you do not ask for anything, and that Montenegrin authorities are responsible for such treatment of Montenegro. In the course of last year, by his lively diplomatic activity and announced reform of the society, Djukanovic has managed to divert attention to Montenegro as one of the signicant factors of stability in the region. It is believed that the small republic could even play a positive role in the "black triangle" Belgrade-Pristina-Oidgorica. But, on the other hand, Montenegrin president permitted that solution for the question of Kosovo be sought exclusively among Hill, Rugova and Milosevic. Plans for "a new federation" are being made far away from Montenegro and without consulting it. It is true, though, that its authorities are occasionally informed about intentions of Washington in amiable talks of Montenegrin and American officials.

That is the reason why the initiative of the SDP can also be observed as an attempt to internationalize the question of the Montenegrin state, which as time goes by less and less depends on Montenegro. In early nineties when the former joint state was destroyed, Montenegro was stimulated by the international community to take its own course. Nowadays, circumstances have greatly changed. In what direction the Yugoslav federation will go and where it will end up, it is clear, is decided in mysterious chambers of the Belgrade court, not in Podgorica.

Milka TADIC

/AIM PODGORICA/