Referendum: Skies Still Not Clear Over Tirana

AIM Tirana, 28 November, 1998

Instead of helping overcome political quarrels, the new Constitution of Albania adopted at the referendum on 22 November intensified them. Two extremely opposite versions of the results were put in circultion. The first, official version published by the Central Electoral Commission, says that 50.57 per cent of the voters voted in the referendum, while the other version, that of the opposition, says that only 39 per cent of the voters came to the polls. And while the international community hurried to recognise passing of the constitution, leader of the opposition and former president Berisha, made it clear that the opposition would not recognise this constitution, and as usual it went out in the streets to protest.

The number of those who had voted for the proposed draft which amounted to more than 92 per cent was almost forgotten. Squabbling over the register diverted attention from the struggle over ballot boxes although pursuant the new law on referendum the turnout of voters at the referendum is unimportant. Berisha appealled on his followers to boycott the constitution and the referendum in the attempt to claim for his "cause" not only those who support him but also those who are indifferent and ordinary abstainers. This made everything black-and-white: those who went to the polls are considered to be followers of the government and those who stayed at home followers of the opposition. There are no more neutral people in this country.

Results of voting at the referendum were expected with special interest because it was the first vote since the June 1997 elections which had led to removal of former president Berisha from power and which had brought the left coalition led by the Socialists to power. At the same time, the referendum took place a few weeks after the violent events of 14 September which had led to straining of the political crisis in the country. After the murder of the oppositionist deputy Azem Hajdari, followers of the Democratic Party turned his funeral into a "semi coup d'etat" by taking over control of state TV in just a few hours and by having conquered the buildings of the government and the parliament. Two weeks after these developments, prime minister Nano left his post handing it over to 31-year old Majko. Albania was the only former communist country, apart from Belorussia which had not passed the new constitution. The draft submitted by Berisha four years ago was rejected by majority of the voters in a vote which turned into a vote pro et contra authoritarian Berisha himself. After four years, Berisha turned into the main personality of the campaign for the referendum all over again, this time demanding the opposite of what he had asked for four years ago - boycott of the voting. His old political rival Nano had not appeared in public for a long time and paid no attention to the campaign for the constitution.

Berisha waged a very aggressive campaign especially in the last several days against the dragt constitution which he believed to be a specific "government passport" or an "antinational document". To the very end he refused participation in the constitutional commission, although it should be said that the governemnt was more concerned about providing international support than that of Berisha. The call to boycott was his shrewd political move because it threatened secrecy of the voting process turning it into a public political act; besides, he automatically won all abstainers over to his side.

According to certain analysts, the option of boycott was based on the magic figure of 400 thousand voters who are emigrants abroad, who did not return in order to vore and who were, therefore, automatically counted as those who were "contra". This figure of 400 thousand voters amounts to almost 15 to 20 per cent of Albania's electorate.

Regardless of the fact that the process of voting proceeded in peace and without incidents, it lacked no accusations of manipulations. The opposition accused the government of trying by all means to manipulate the figure of those who took part in the voting in its endeavour to cross the threshold of 50 per cent which was in fact a moral or political threshold, although not legal. The Socialists accused local authorities, more than 90 per cent of which are controlled by Berisha's Democrats, of manipulations of the voters' register, registering even the deceased and all the emigrants who are living abroad, and leaving out thousands of other citizens who are believed to be government followers. On the day of the voting several hundred citizens addressed the court demanding their right to vote.

Perhaps the greatest success of this voting process was that it took place in peace and with no incidents in the country in which peace has begun to crumble a long time ago and where incidents happen every day. Weapons were not heard with the exception of sporadic episodes and the citizens voted peacefully on a rarely cold winter day in Albania.

If God was with Berisha on that day, it is not sure that the Albanians were, or more precisely, it can be said that the Albanians were not fully with his Socialist opponents either. That 22 November showed that the Albanians knew how to vote in peace leaving their weapons behind at their homes, but at the same time it also showed that Albanian politicians still were not capable of accepting results of the voting and offering a hand to each other. Regardless of the fact that both parties are loudly cheering their victory (more precisely, the defeat of the enemy), careful reading of the results of the referendum would in fact reveal that the party of the indifferent ones has won. Low turnout at the referendum, the lowest in eight previous elections and votes since the establishment of the pluralist system in Albania, does not eliminate the possibility of being some kind of renaissance of Berisha, but it seems more likely that it marks the erosion of the Socialists, but especially the increase of the number of the indifferent. Except for the customary blue and pink colour, it seems that there are other colours in Albania. On the other hand the figure of 50 per cent "pro" cannot be considered to be solely the merit of the pink ribbon of the Socialists. Other respectable parties like the Republicans, parties of the right also have their share in it, just as it is true that probably those who are neither Democrats nor Socialists, but who think that Albania should have a constitution and who have voted in favour for that reason have also contributed to the success of the referendum.

The political scene after 22 November is even more confused than it was before and the sky over this country instead of clearing is covered by new clouds. An apple of discord for at least next six months has been found: the number of those who have participated or have not participated at the referendum. On the other hand, political geography of Albania remains almost the same: the government has a clear support in the south, Berisha has considerable support of the north, while the cities are indifferent and balanced.

Adoption of the constitution seems to have caused greater enthusiasm outside Albania than in it. Western governments and organisations consider the voting for the constitution to have been just and correct. The USA, EU, Germany, Italy, Great Britain, Greece, Russia etc., in their expression of support to the government of Majko, did not hesitate to use sharp vocabulary when talking about the stubborn leader of the opposition Berisha. Calls for international isolation of Berisha were intensified. But he does not seem to be so sensitive to criticism coming from the West. In his daily press conferences, Berisha is openly rejecting criticism which is coming from Bonn and Brussels, because for that coming from Athens he has no sensibility at all. It seem that Berisha has lost some of the support he had from the European rightists who had continued to back him despite certain reservations. "I do not have any more hope that Berisha will change", declared Doris Pack, one of the greatest supporters of the former president. Relations between the Democratic Party and OSCE ambassador in Tirana, Daan Everts are especially strained. The latter was accused by the opposition press and some of its leaders of being biased. Even at rallies of the opposition it was possible to hear cries such as: "Everts, go away!" A few days before the referendum, Everts received an anonymous telephone call in which he was thretened with death.

Feeling stronger in the country at this moment especially versus the weak government of Mister Majko, Berisha responded to critiscism coming from the West with the formula "I am having a dialogue with the Albanians".

What consequences adoption of the constitution will have on political life in Albania? It may sound as a paradox, but it seems that in the long run, adoption of the constitution will have a favourable effect, but at present it will not be felt as a step forward. On the other hand, it cannot be said that the referendum will give the answer to the question whether new elections should or should not be scheduled in Albania. The fact that the Albanians voted in peace means that elections may be held, but the fact that the politicians are not accepting results shows just the opposite. And will the West continue to pay for keeping up the Albanian record: going to the polls every year?

Remzi LANI