How Long Can Third Yugoslavia Last

Reconstruction of the Government - Just A Step Away From the Abyss

By accepting a prime minister from the ruling Montenegrin coalition, Milosevic would in fact put the ball in Milo Djukanovic's court. Those who can imagine that this is possible are capable of day-dreaming that the federal president will suddenly start ruling pursuant the Constitution. Milosevic will continue to further strain relations at the cost of the final split, says Miodrag Vukovic, advisor of the president of Montenegro

AIM Belgrade, 10 September, 1998

Although Kosovo is, with every new day, increasingly destroying the "remains of the remains" of Yugoslavia, the impression is that the federal state will sooner break along the thin line which is still linking Montenegro and Serbia. "Further survival of the so-called federal government leads to the final end of our joint state" declared not long ago Milo Djukanovic, president of the sounthern Republic. In an interview to Podgorica Vijesti he once again appealed on Slobodan Milosevic "to make the move which would annul the previously made pre-election concession to Momir Bulatovic and bring things in harmony with the Constitution of FRY and fundamental democratic principles".

Should the first man of FRY really meet the reasonable and legally founded demand of the Montenegrin president, it would mean that he was "peacefully and with dignity" handing him over control of the federal state. According to the letter of its supreme legal document, Yugoslavia is established according to the principle of chancellor, which means that federal prime minister, and the government, are the most powerful political body. Ceding the post of the prime minister to the Democratic Party of Socialists (DPS) would mean that the state is going in a new direction where Milosevic's role would have to be reduced to the protocolar one, like Lilic's used to be. Those who can imagine that can also day-dream that the current president of the federal state might suddenly begin ruling in compliance with th e Constitution.

Miodrag Vukovic, advisor of the president of Montenegro, has no illusions in this sense. To the question whether it can be expected that Milosevic will cede power to Milo Djukanovic, in a statement for AIM, Vukovic says: "I do not believe that Mr. Milosevic will agree to that. He will rather continue to further strain relations at the cost of the final split. In that case, it is more realistic to be a pessimist than to be an optimist".

As time goes by, third Yugoslavia is resembling more and more a mere temporary solution for Slobodan Milosevic. In the hands of Momir Bulatovic, the federal government resembles more the office of the federal president than the most significant executive body of the federal administration. The federal parliament does not appear any better. Although the deputies should have been in session since 1 September, it is still uncertain when that will happen. Montenegro still has not formed its delegation for the Chamber of the Republics, and the law on election of deputies in this Chamber passed by Montenegrin parliament in June is still in the procedure in the Constitutional Court.

There is obviously no will among the federal leadership to meet Montenegrin authorities halfway. Zoran Knezevic, federal minister of justice, comments the possibility of 20 deputies from the coalition "For a Better Life" in the Chamber of the Republics as a "political suicide which the federal authorities will not allow". If one has in mind that the new delegation of Montenegrin parliament in this Chamber would be able to block operation of the highest authority in FRY, it is clear that this will hardly or not at all be feasible. Miodrag Vukovic gives the answer to this for AIM. He explains that if the new delegation came to the Assembly of FRY, it would reject every draft law prepared by Momir Bulatovic. It would also, he claims, demand election of a new government and prime minister, and somebody would have to answer for illegal steps made so far, it is strressed by the advisor of Montenegrin president.

In the light of very obvious problems in operation of the federal state, the latest announcement on reconstruction of the federal government seem as pouring oil on to the fire instead of harmonization of relations betweren the two federal member-republics. Although an information arrived from the camp of Momir Bulatovic that it was necessary to talk about entering Bulatovic's cabinet even with those who hold different political stands, it is hard to believe that anybody from the DPS could ever become any of the ministers. Miodrag Vukovic reminds that the stand of the state leadership and government of Montenegro, and that of the DPS, on the federal government has not changed and that it does not exist for this Republic, because it is considered to be illegal and illegitimate.

"Montenegro cannot and will not accept any form of reconstruction, reconstruction is out of the question, a new federal government should be elected with representatives of the ruling political coalition in Montenegro, which would then nominate a prime minister. The government should be formed according to the principle of parity and reflect equality of the republics. On the other hand, we do not support the personnel composition of the present so-called government. They are 'crawling Montenegrins', obsequious, who work to the detriment of Montenegro and the federal state. If they go on with the reconstruction with the permit of one single man who holds all our destinies in his hands, then we will be just one step away from the abyss".

In such a situation, Montenegro sees less and less reason to be part of Yugoslavia. Should the split occur, Vukovic believes it to be the outcome of a policy of the "one who ignores the 1992 Constitution of Yugoslavia, who controls the federal administration, who holds Serbia as the other name of Yugoslavia, who has really never lived in Yugoslavia".

Vesna Vujic

(AIM)