What has happened to Parliament's Resolution on the Protection of Montenegrin Soldiers

Serious Decisions or Rhetoric of the Impotent

The Montenegrin Parliament adopted two important resolution in a short period of time. One concerns the protection of Montenegrin interests, and the other envisages measures for the protection of Montenegrin citizens in AY (Army of Yugoslavia) units in Kosovo. Today it seems that no one cares for them any more.

AIM Podgorica, July 14, 1998

Almost twenty days ago the Montenegrin Parliament has adopted a Resolution on the Protection of the Rights of Montenegrin Citizen Serving Army in Kosovo. Conflicts in Kosovo have not calmed down. On the contrary. More and more information are coming in daily on the participation of the AY in war operations around Decane, Kijev, Pec, etc. There are no signs of the local authorities feeling in any way compelled to do something in order to help Montenegrin soldiers.

Last week, Rifat Rastoder, Vice-President of the Republican Assembly and one of the proposers of the Resolution, said that representatives of the Montenegrin Assembly have established contacts with the General Staff of the Yugoslav Army. "I must admit that in our contacts with the top representatives of the Army and General Staff we met with their understanding and readiness to find the best possible solution within their competences", said Rastoder and added: "Still, neither the Army nor the Montengrin state authority hold the key to the solution - that authority lies somewhere else".

After this Rastoder specifically said that Slobodan Milosevic "was the one who abuses the fact that political and system relations between Montenegro and Serbia were not adequately defined at one time".

Nevertheless, contacts with the Army of Yugoslavia will be continued and experts of the Montenegrin parliamentary delegation have visited barracks with Montenegrin soldiers in Kosovo. For the time being, only that much could be said to the public about the effects of the Resolution which was received in Montenegro with warm welcome and great hopes, especially among the relatives of soldiers who have been sent to Kosovo, against their will. The fact that the statement of the Vice-President of the Assembly on the implementation of the Resolution which was supposed to protect the lives of Montenegrin citizens, was ignored by the state media tellingly speaks of the readiness of the local authorities to persevere in the realization of their own decisions.

Admittedly, according to informal information, the FRY top brass promised Montenegrin authorities to adjust, i.e. reduce the percentage of Montenegrin soldiers in Kosovo in the shortest possible time. According to that same information, the Army has already started withdrawing recruits who were caught in the war zone even before they have completed their military training. But, for the time being, there are no news that would confirm the credibility of such claims.

That is why, after their visit to the General Staff, members of the parliamentary delegation submitted data on the effects of the non-implementation of Montenegrin Resolution. Since the break out of conflicts in Kosovo 105 Montenegrin nationals have left the army ranks. At the same time, over 140 Montenegrin boys refused to answer the call and start their army service in June. Now they are faced with a possibility of long prison sentences, while frequent visits of the army police show that the Army has not forgotten them, nor has the intention of forgiving them.

Deputies of the Montenegrin Parliament, who have greatly prompted such behaviour - with their haughtiness and voting the Resolution, which even then the majority knew would be impossible to implement - are now silent. They have even failed to comment on the fact that one Montenegrin soldier lost his life and several have been wounded, while at least five more were captured by the OVK members.

It, thus, turns out that deputies of the Liberal Alliance were right when they claimed that the adoption of the mentioned Resolution without any specific time limits, represents a political marketing, rather than a true attempt to help. Or, perhaps, it is not the fault of the deputies of the coalition "For Better Life" that it is quite possible for provisions of the Resolution to remain "a dead letter". Namely, it is clear that with the existing legal limitations, the Resolution is impossible to implement without major political shocks which could shake the already unstable foundations of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. And it is evident that something like that requires resoluteness and clear concept of power in Podgorica.

"A state which adopts laws, but doesn't dare apply them is only conditionally a state", said Novak Kilibarda. But, in vain, as it seems that the policy of unexpected extorted "intermediate moves" is overweighing the need for meaningful and well-defined actions in the fulfillment of the promises which at the past elections secured the victory to the coalition "For Better Life".

This is further corroborated by the (non) recognition of the Federal Government and Prime Minister Bulatovic. Although the Montenegrin authorities and their media verbally refuse to recognize the Federal Government and its first man (the alleged, as they are called), the reality is forcing Podgorica to cooperate and thereby acknowledge Bulatovic and his Cabinet. The case of Prevlaka showed that best.

When in mid May, Bulatovic was entrusted with the mandate of appointing the new Cabinet, after a swift and, according to many lawyers, illegal replacement of Radoje Kontic, Dr.Milica Pejanovic - Djurisic sent him the following message on behalf of the DPS: "We do not accept you as Prime Minister designate and we see your appointment to such an important position as another political attack on the constitutional order and equitable position of Montenegro in Yugoslavia".

Kontic's Cabinet was illegally removed by the abuse of "six Montenegrin renegades" said the Montenegrin President at that time and sent the following message: "Today Slobodan Milosevic is trying to humiliate Montenegro, but it will not allow anyone to either humiliate or subjugate it".

At that time members of Filip Vujanovic's Cabinet agreed with Djukanovic. "The composition of the new Federal Government is unacceptable because of the illegitimacy of its election", said the release from the session of the Montenegrin Government held on May 21.

Today, no one wants to explain what has prompted a sudden change in attitude and the initiation of cooperation with the Federal Ministry of Foreign Affairs, i.e. Bulatovic's Cabinet. There is no more mention of the pre-election promises of the top representatives of the current Montenegrin regime: "After May 31, we shall insist on the establishment of peace and respect of the Constitution in our state. We shall demand the change and replacement of this circus of alleged Yugoslav Government and, as is only logical, the scheduling of federal elections and appointment of the new Federal Government".

"We do not wish to participate in any manipulations", said Zarko Rakicevic recently on behalf of the SDP. Similar was the opinion of Novak Kilibarda, President of the Popular Party. "If the President of Montenegro or the Republican Government decide to recognize Momir Bulatovic as legal Federal Prime Minister, for us that would mean the end of the coalition For Better Life", said Kilibarda.

If the NS and SDP carry out their threats, for the time being uttered just below the breath, and leave the coalition "For Better Life", the DPS shall be left without the majority necessary for exercising power. The distribution of mandates in the Montenegrin Assembly is such that the strongest party in Parliament would be forced to accept one of the following possibilities: new elections or alliance with Bulatovic's SNP.

However, the question is whether the DPS's coalition partners would be willing to publicly demand an explanation for their dilemma at the right place - in Montenegrin Parliament. They will have the opportunity already this week at the election of the new Government of Montenegro.

In case no questions are asked at this session, then one should wonder what is the purpose of the Assembly decisions if they are not implemented, i.e. violated whenever it crosses someone's mind. If this happens, then this Assembly convocation will prove that it doesn't differ from the previous ones. The Assembly will continue to be only a patch on a shabby flag of proclaimed democracy in which the deputies have the chance of improving their rhetoric capabilities before TV cameras. And nothing more.

Zoran RADULOVIC

AIM Podgorica