NEGOTIATIONS IN PRISTINA - STEP TOWARDS PEACE

AIM Pristina, 23 May, 1998

The first round of Albanian-Yugoslav-Serb negotiations, with-without mediation, have started in Pristina today. In this way, the deadline was observed, that is the agreement on continuation of the Albanian-Serb dialogue was carried out as arranged by American diplomacy with direct engagement of the architect of the Dayton accords, Richard Holbrook, which symbolically began by the meeting between Slobodan Milosevic and Ibrahim Rugova last week in Belgrade. According to that agreement, representatives of Belgrade and Pristina should meet continuously, at least once a week, where they alternately choose. Therefore, the process has begun, and this is no small deal. Representatives of the Serbs and the Albanians are for the first time conducting political negotiations. The delegation of the former was headed by vice prime minister of Serbia Ratko Markovic, and of the federal government Nikola Sainovic (who had arrived instead of his colleague vice federal prime minister Vladan Kutlesic) and the members were republican minister Leposava Milicevic (Yugoslav United Left-JUL) instead of the announced Milan Bojic, vice republican prime minister Tomislav Nikolic (Serb Radical Party-SRS) and assistant federal minister Radoslav Rajakovic. On the other side of the table sat coordinator of the negotiating team of the leader of Kosovo Albanians Fehmi Agani, Mahmut Bakali (former high political official in Kosovo until 1981), Veton Suroi, Blerim Sala (editor-in-chief of the weekly Zeri), Pajazit Nushi from the Committee for Protection of Human Rights and Bajram Kelmendi (lawyer).

After the first round of negotiations, interlocutors agreed about continuation of negotiations next week and about certain procedural issues, such as information on changes in negotiating teams and meetings of smaller and specialized groups.

After talks which lasted for several hours at the seat of the leader of Kosovo Albanians Ibrahim Rugova, although it was announced that a joint statement would be issued, this did not happen. In a short statement, Blerim Sala, who is in charge of communication with the public for the Albanian team, said that, among other, topics discussed were the status of Kosovo, measures of confidence-building, security measures, and that despite considerable differences, talks passed in the spirit of tolerance. Ratko Markovic, in his appearance in front of the journalists but in the seat of the Kosovo administration, declared that the dialogue on political resolution of the problem of Kosovo had begun, that open and different views of the situation had been presented, and that the goal was to reach just, humane and lasting solutions based on equality of all citizens and ethnic communities, their mutual respect, tolerance and security. "In order to achieve this, violence, terrorism, and all other phenomena which cause fear and uncertainty of the citizens must be eliminated", said Markovic, saying also that at the meeting some kind of "parametres, catalogue or indicators, inventory of measures of the so-called security confidence" were determined, and that it was agreed that at each next meeting a reporter of the one and the other party would state what had in the meantime "happened in the sphere of confidence". Markovic also pointed out to the existence of differences in starting positions, views of the current situation in this space and ways out of problems, and that the expression of this were two parallel statements, but which as agreed should in the future reflect the atmosphere of the dialogue, and not contain, as he put it, extremely hopeless and firm stands.

Judging by this, a very tedious job lies ahead of the negotiators, those they represent and the directly engaged American diplomats, with many unexpected obstacles. When there are major political difficulties, one should not neglect the minor technical ones. As an illustration, let us mention that for the site of the first round of negotiations, representatives of Belgrade had suggested the building of the former assembly of Kosovo which is nowadays called the building of the government of Serbia, and representatives of the Albanians, this time as the hosts, proposed the seat of the Democratic League of Kosovo. As this proposal was not exactly pleasant for Belgrade negotiators, representatives of the Albanians suggested the seat of the American Information Centre. Finally, the Belgraders rejected the neutral ground which would be contrary to their referendum decision, assessing that it was after all better to be guests of "their own" and to negotiate in the extremely cramped conditions offered by the small house which is the seat of the Democratic League of Kosovo.

However, this is just a small warning in comparison with the great challenge awaiting these and future negotiators in the search of the solution for Kosovo. It is well known how distant stands of the two parties are from each other when the final solution is concerned. Officially, the Serbs are offering just a cosmetically improved version of the current autonomy. They have recently published a draft statutory decision on the position of Kosovo in Serbia which they believe should be found in regionalization of Serbia, that is, in local self-administration of Kosovo Albanians and two-chamber assemblies, in order to prevent, as constantly stressed, majorization, and even the right to any decision without agreement of the only symbolically represented Serb population. This proposal probably has in mind the political logic according to which, if this system of autonomy fails, it will be all the better, because the government in Belgrade will have the pretext to intervene all the time. Kosovo would always be in a state of emergency and allegedly quite legally, the Serbian government would actually constantly directly exercise power in Kosovo.

Not less persistently than the Serbs, the Albanians demand independence for Kosovo and for themselves. In order to seriously support their demand, they have been building their parallel system of power, which however fragile, has introduced dual power. This system is encountering enormous difficulties, but the Albanians are not ready to give it up. After so much self-denial, sacrifices, and bad experience, especially in the past ten years, Kosovo Albanians can hardly overnight imagine a solution in which the Serbs and Belgrade would continue to be their superiors, those who would "generously" decide what would be in the best of interest of Kosovo Albanians.

The essence of these opposed stands is: solution within or without Serbia. In fact, it is the very core of the Kosovo issue and the gap between the stands of the ones and of the others at this moment seems quite unbridgeable. Probably that is what the participants meant when they assessed the course of the first round of negotiations by the almost identical formulation: despite big differences, it has passed in a tolerant atmosphere. As concerning measures for improvement of the security situation, the possibility cannot be eliminated that questions of reduction and even interruption of application of violence were discussed. However, the declarations on safety of all citizens show that participants in the first round of the talks look upon causes and bearers if violence quite differently.

This will be one of the next major problems which Albanian-Serb negotiators will be faced with. Serb authorities believe that application of force is legitimate in the attempt to establish the legal order of Serbia and Yugoslavia. All those who do not respect that order are considered to be terrorists. On the other hand, the opinion has spread in the Albanian public that isolated armed groups of Kosovo Albanians have developed into a mass armed movement of the Albanian population in centres of crisis in Kosovo, which is not an insignificant factor, especially because the question which arises more and more often is - whether the OVK already has an established political organ.

Regardless of who is conducting negotiations and in the name of whom, the fact remains that negotiations are taking place in the shadow of armed conflicts. Is it possible to speak about improvement of security conditions or interruption of armed conflicts when the protagonists are not under full control of, for instance, the Kosovo negotiating team? This question can become very serious for the Albanian party, because it not only has no institutional or other political framework, but does not even recognise, and rejects the armed part of the Albanian movement. Its intentions, political and others, are the best, because it strives to remain peaceful and devoted to a political solution. The question is, however, what will happen if the reached agreements in newly established circumstances in Kosovo cease to have any significance because they are not accepted by "others"?

From the current perspective it does not seem very convincing to speak about security and interruption of violence or armed conflicts if the Albanian party does not have at least a silent agreement of the OVK. Especially because it is known that the OVK has several times made it public that it would not recognise any agreement if its representatives did not participate in reaching it. After the recent Serb-Albanian summit meeting in Belgrade, its members declared on several occasions that the OVK was not against negotiations, but that it believed that they stand no chance to succeed without arbitration of a powerful mediator. The most significant is the warning that Rugova has the mandate to talk only about independence of Kosovo. As a member of the Albanian negotiating team recently said, "UCK (OVK) will be a heavy burden for us and we should make an effort to resolve this problem".

It is interesting that almost all the Albanian political subjects, with great reservations (there are also those who reject it altogether) accept Rugova's approach to negotiations. Doubts are expressed by parties which were until recently believed to be close to him. The first thing they all agree about is that there is no direct mediation and that talks are not taking place on neutral ground. As it is known these were the main demands of Rugova himself for the beginning of the Albanian-Serb dialogue. If we leave aside the political and the diplomatic side of the problem (necessary compromise, powerful pressure from without, especially the American), the question of mediation in these negotiations cannot be interpreted in the strict sense. Nobody can deny that Richard Holbrook and Robert Gelbard have mediated in the meeting between Milosevic and Rugova. These American diplomats mediated in the agreement about the dynamic of Albanian-Serb negotiations. It is true that there will be no foreigners in the room where negotiations will take place, but it is obvious to everybody that diplomats of great powers headed by the Americans stand behind the scene.

To severe criticism within the Albanian movement on the eve of the first round of negotiations, member of the negotiating team Veton Suroi declared to the gathered journalists that a mediator did not have to sit in the same room but that the merit for the meeting went to American ambassador in Skopje, Christopher Hill, and that American diplomats Holbrook and Gelbard deserved the merit for its result. During the first round of negotiations that is how things actually worked out. In the room where participants in the negotiations talked, each in his own language, there were no foreigners, but Ambassador Hill was in the adjoining room, always at the disposal of either of the parties when they needed him.

AIM Pristina

Fehim REXHEPI