TRADE UNIONS AND POLITICS

AIM ZAGREB, 24 March, 1998

Political events in Croatia follow one another at such a speed and something new happens practically every hour so that, for example, very few people remember the trade union protest held on February 20, in Zagreb. And that is precisely what happened with those rather poorly articulated demonstrations which rallied numerous dissatisfied citizens and at which as much as 1,000 policemen and special unit members prevented them from reaching the Governor Jelacic's Square. Namely, this protest, which was organized by three Trade Union Head Offices and with the support of 12 rather small political parties, is mentioned only on account of police brutality and violation of the right of demonstrators to rally at the main Zagreb square and as a warning to the current authorities to watch out.

However, on that February 20, a day before the Fourth HDZ Congress which made it even stranger that Niko Gunjin, President of the Croatian Federation of Trade Unions and a delegate to that same Congress, appeared as one of the organizers, the protest had much deeper consequences than it first appeared. At the so to say political level, it was the breaking up of the coalition between the HDZ and Budisa's Croatian Social-Liberal Party (HSLS) in the Zagreb Municipal Assembly which reduced the HDZ to a simple majority of 26 deputies (out of 50) and the resignation of Ms.Dorica Nikolic, Deputy Prefect, and other Social-Liberals from all municipal offices. In this way Budisa tried to wipe out everything that his party has done in Zagreb, being unable to accept a six-year old decision on the prohibition of public gatherings and hoping to impose himself as the only true opposition.

It is a question how much did he succeed in doing just that since on that same day news came from Zadar that the HDZ-HSLS coalition was stronger than ever. All this sounds like an attempt at saving one's neck, as well as of returning to the so called centre. And, although the HDZ now depends on one delegate of the Croatian Party of the Right, there is not much possibility for any major shocks, nor for the opening of a new crisis in Zagreb which would necessitate new local elections in the city. Budisa's behaviour, and especially his invitation to district and other organizations to act autonomously, is only an alibi for quasi-democracy and will not help HSLS present itself as a HDZ adversary and restore its credibility.

However, although this latest move of Budisa and Ms.Dorica Nikolic should not be underestimated, it is still more important what has happened at the trade union scene as it is hard, or practically impossible, to separate the trade unions from politics, even in the most developed democracies, to say nothing of Croatia. There is a war going on in Croatia for months now between six so called trade union Head Offices which are fighting over as much as 730 trade union organizations. The strongest of them, the Federation of Independent Trade Unions, as well as the Central Society of Trade Unions of Public Servants , did not want anything to do with the pro-state trade unions, in other words, those who have broken the trade union unity and have removed Davor Juric, the SSSH (Federation of Independent Trade Unions of Croatia) President from his office of the President of the Economic Council. The Council is a tripartite advisory body (trade unions, employers and government) which should serve as a negotiating forum. At the same time, when some unity was achieved for the first time regarding three demands (value added tax, wages and pensions) some Head Offices, with the Croatian Association of Trade Unions at its front, tried to push through some blatant political demands as their joint ones, such as the problems of Prevlaka, Podunavlje and similar.

Quite contrary was the behaviour of those trade unions which accused Juric of his links with the Social-Democratic Party of Croatia, with which, in all fairness, the SSSH has an agreement but always took care not to carry out its actions together with its political partner, and did so in January when the "Unmasking" operation was organized. But, nevertheless, it is unclear even today what is a HDZ member doing at the head of the anti-HDZ protest? The true question should be: How did trade unions which never showed any revolutionary streak took the lead of the protest?

If it was known earlier that the trade union scene was divided into two blocs, which is even more evident now, and the immediate cause being the so called social elections for the Economic Council (GSV). And while Head Offices which had organized the protest on February 20, are in favour of elections very similar to those for parliament, refusing the very idea of them being organized at work places, in other words where they belong, two other major trade unions (the SSSH and the Central Society of Trade Unions of Public Servants), joined by the Printing Trade Union, Trade Union of Journalist and the PTT Trade Union, think that elections are not necessary at all because the basic criteria for determining the number of votes in the GSV should be the number of paying members, the coverage of the organization and the number of concluded collective agreements. This new Democratic Trade Union Bloc thinks it unreasonable and illogical for them to have less votes despite the fact that they have 430 thousand members and the four Head Offices, allegedly, 370 thousand members.

All this sounds very complicated, and it is does not come as a surprise when we bear in mind the number of trade union organizations. However, in essence, the catch is a rather simple one. The trade unions do not really care how many place will they get in tripartite bodies because, for example, Juric has threatened with his withdrawal from the Economic-Social Council as it was, according to him, only a decoration of the Croatian democracy. Something much more important is in question - the sharing of property. Namely, the trade unions should have agreed long ago on how they will divide their great riches so that the state has put their property under its control and threatened to divide it itself if they do not reach an agreement soon.

Therefore, some Head Offices, like Gunjin's, which has fewer members than even some small trade union organizations, insist on general elections while those which are aware of their strength, think that they do not need the elections or that the elections should be organized within firms, i.e. at work places. But, if the essence of the conflict is that everyone would like the greatest possible piece of the trade union cake, one thing should not be overlooked - the fact that the trade unions have definitely split up and that those on the left have the upper hand.

GOJKO MARINKOVIC