UNPROCLAIMED STATE OF EMERGENCY

AIM Zagreb, 19 March, 1998

Exactly a month after the raid on Vukovar in the style of nazi black-shirts, the Croat Party of Right (HSP) attempted a re-run in Knin. Their gathering in the east of Craotia passed with plenty of noise, hoisted black flags, fascist salute and Ustashe songs. This was registered by international observers, it was noted by the police. Charges were brought for the offence of disturbing public peace and order, but it was known that this ridiculous sanction would not stop them. They had already made a longterm plan of action. After Knin they intended to go to Pula. They are choosing on purpose places where they believe they should establish, as they say, the "national cause", but in fact their gatherings can be brought down to stirring up ethnic hatred.

After they had rumbled through eastern Slavionia, the situation there deteriorated, emigration of the Serbs intensified, as could be expected. This is the real aim of their Ustashe-like gatherings, that is what those who organise them count on, but also those who tolerate them. The raids of the Rightists resemble the "rallies of truth". The "anti-bureaucratic revolution" swept across former Yugoslavia almost a decade ago, its participants spread inter-ethnic intolerance, made the public hysterical and destroyed the possibility of peaceful life. It was the prelude of war. Gatherings of Croatian Rightists would not let the war end, they are warming up inter-ethnic tensions and do not let Croatia become peaceful. Just as "happening of the people" used to be dictated, so is the happening of the Rightists, most probably, a part of a broader scenario. This objectively small, extremist rightist party has so far operated as a satellite of the ruling Croat Democratic Community (HDZ) and there are no signs that this has changed.

Croatian authorities have manifested benevolence to the rallies of the Ristists, but faced with sharp criticism from abroad, which had not intended to remain just verbal, proclaimed a moratorium on all political gatherings in Podunavlje. In this way, it was said, an attempt was being made to avoid provocations which could disturb the so far reached level of normalisation of life in this region. But the ministry of police was also entrusted with "prevention of everything that could be provocative, create insecurity and prevent further normalisation of life in the whole state". The police then banned the rally in Knin, and police blockade prevented passage of sympathisers of the pro-Ustashe movement from all over Croatia but also from Herzegovina who had set out to their gathering in large groups.

Prevention of gatherings which are disturbing Podunavlje is an extorted decision. The international community demanded it from Zagreb. But the way in which Croatian regime met this demand is extremely dubious. First, the general suspension of political gatherings in easrtern Slavonia is problematic. Instead to neutralize those who with their black flags and fascist rhetoric caused disturbance in this region, the regime banned all political gatherings, ignoring the fact that there are political manifestations (and parties) which do not destroy but help reintegration. Powerless, or unwilling, to stop those whose political platform is hatred, the ruling party banned all political gatherings.

The order issued to the police to, as it was said, prevent "everything" that could be a provocation, cause insecurity and disturb normal life is even more problematic. This formulation is very extendible. It is not stated precisely what is meant by "everything", who will and based on what decide what is provocative, what causes insecurity and disturbs normal life. Recent social protests in Zagreb were also proclaimed by the authorities to be abnormal, and - in order to prevent them, they blocked the centre of the city with more than ten thousand policemen. Now, in a way unknown to law, the jurisdiction of the police is endlessly broadened, the whole country is in fact made dependable on police evaluations. The police decides about the political scene and it is suddenly given the exclusive right to reason about what is politically pemissible. In this way it is impossible to guard normal life, and abnormality is introduced. Ways are opened to those in power to remodel political life by undemocratic methods, to proclaim moratorium on everything that disturbs them.

The general ban of political gatherings and introduction of police arbitration on the political scene in other parts of Croatia are a dangerous precedent. The opposition parties, non-governmental organizations and independent media warn against it. It is considered to be at attack on the Constitution, suspension of the multi-party system and democracy. The Croatian Helsinki Committee points out that the moratorium on political gatherings in Podunavlje is an unlawful, harmful and dangerous measure by means of which human rights of citizens are permanently limited. The Committee reminds that instead of a general ban, the government had other legal possibilities to prevent neo-nazi and pro-fascist manifestations. The Croatian Constitution bans encouraging and stimulating war and use of violence, as well as spreading of ethnic, racial and religious hatred or any form of intolerance, so the Croat Helsinki Committee addressed a cynical question to the government how many times criminal charges had been brought since the beginning of the war against persons who spread ethnic and religious murder and how many sentences had been pronounced. Such reasons are not mentioned in the case of the ban of the gatherings of the Rightists either. The HSP is reproached only for the lack of political wisdom because it offered arguments for exerting pressure against Croatia to the international community with its behavior. They were proclaimed the party of dangerous intentions but not because they are stirring up ethnic hatred and hoisting Ustashe iconography, but because they are irritating the relevant international institutions.

The Rightists rightfully warn that they were moving down a well paved road. Tudjman's authorities have continuously signalled that flirtation with the Ustashe movement was desirable. The highest state officials sang about Jure and Boban, the minister of defence saluted with his raised arm. Even if the authorities are shoving such trends to the margins lately, but mostly just in public, they have never been denied loud and clear. Moreover, the manner in which media close to the authorities reported about the campaign of the Rightists in Knin, presented the boys in black as heroes and victims. The police prevented them to enter the city, but they, poor things, set out on their way to mass on foot through the forest and over mountains. This time they allegedly wished only to pray and perhaps have some coffee, but they would not let them even put flowers. It is claimed that not they but the Serbs from Knin provoked them calling them, allegedly, Ustashe, but they resisted all that with dignity. In brief, ideal young men.

In the political public of Croatia, assessment is spreading that the Rightists, puffed up with nationalistic adrenaline and supplied with fascist insignia, were intentionally sent to Vukovar in order to serve as an argument for preventing all political, but probably also social gatherings in the entire country. The opposition reminds that the police, pursuant the law, may ban a gathering if public order and peace were endangered, but it cannot pass a general ban because in that way it was violating not only the Croatian Constitution but also international conventions. That is why it is possible to hear lately that in this way Croatia was in fact pushed into an unproclaimed state of emergency.

Contrary to the ruling circles who see the germ of "Albanisation of the state" in every gathering, the leader of the Social Democrats, Ivica Racan, claims that in fact "Serbisation" of Croatia is going on. According to him, the HDZ is producing its own Seselj. The ruling party is inaugurating rightist extremism in order to recommend itself to the international community as the more moderate variant.

JELENA LOVRIC