Current Media Situation in Yugoslavia

Games with Channels

AIM Belgrade, 19 February, 1998

When in the beginnning of February FR Yugoslavia was stricken by frightening chaos and panic because of the sudden decline of the value of the dinar in comparison with the German mark, Serbian prime minister, Mirko Marjanovic accused "the so-called independent media" and the "yellow press" for the inflationary stroke. By publishing forecasts of certain "university professors" about inevitability of devaluation of the national currency, working in fact in the interest of the enemy, they stirred up "inflationary expectations" of the citizens and caused chaos on the (street) market of foreign currency. A vicious attack on independent media followed accompanied by threats of disciplining media and shortage of newsprint.

That is why it was not surprising at all for the experienced public when with plenty of uproar and hubbub in state media, in all that turmoil, "the public competition for issuing permits for temporary use of radio and television channels" was published. Or, to put it simply, when the price was set on the heads of those who do not fit into somebody's conception of "allocation of channels". Milosevic's regime, from the very beginning of its ascent a decade ago, is considerably relying on control of the media.

Three-month long demonstrations of the citizens of Serbia in winter 1996/97 have greatly shaken the monopoly of state media. One of the unexpected effects of the extorted confession of Milosevic's regime that it had stollen more votes than anybody could tolerate in the local elections arrived in the form of the report of the European commission headed by former Spanish prime minister Felipe Golsales.

At first, demand for respect of freedom of the media from Gonsales's report was ignored for the sake of "handing over the cities" to the opposition; later, the fact that the international community insisted that this demand be met as equally important, was in a sense a surprise for the regime. In a purely tactical sense, the authorities believed that dissolution of the Together coalition would drag along local media into destruction. Such expectations were strongly encouraged by the Serb Revival Movement (SPO) of Vuk Draskovic because, having got rid of its coalition partner, the Democratic Party of Zoran Djindjic, it took over control of Belgrade television Studio B in the manner worthy of even the blackest (or the reddest, if you wish) Bolshevism.

However, politicians, leaders of the SPO inclusive, in this case neglected the experience acquired by the media, especially those "insignificant", "minor" and "independent" ones during the still current rough times.

Radio B 92 has in the meantime become a professional organisation of top significance, not only in the (rump) Yugoslav, but in the world media space. The action of organising independent electronic media in a professional association (ANEM) (it gathers 33 radio and 15 tv stations whose joint news programs are carried abroad via satellite) after civil protests in 1996/97, could not be prevented by any action of local police or political scheming and concealed agreements between the "opposition" and the regime.

That is why the latest "competition for allocation of channels" met with firm resistance of the part of the profession which publicly declares itself as headstrong. Milos Vasic, president of Independent Association of Journalists of Serbia, assesses in the weekly Vreme that the latest move of the regime marks "the only legal continuity which exists here, ever since adoption of Constitution of Serbia in 1990". In support of his statement, he notes that, by publishing the competition, the Federal Ministry of Telecommunications is violating the current Law on Communication Systems (which does not prescribe the category of "public announcements" for "allocation"), that it is impossible to publish "competitions" for "temporary permits" for the period between 12 and 24 months, because the valid laws prescribe temporariness only in the technical sense up to 60 days, besides, it is impossible to allocate channels, but only permits can be issued for work of radio or tv stations. And so on and so forth, but the greatest nonsense is the possibility for the one who published the competition to decide subsequently for how much money it will sell the channels it is "allocating".

The head of Radio B92, Veran Matic, points out to the possibility that the competition was published head over heels (sources close to the Ministry of Telecommunications confirm the haste and the lack of preparation of the move) due to the fact that in its December presidential elections Montenegro "broke free" from control of Serbia. This opinion is corroborated by the announcement of a series of demands for evaluation of compatibility with the Constitution of many decisions of the federal state which seem to be directed towards "stifling" of Montenegro, from the closed international (Yugoslav-Albanian) and establishment of inter-federal (Serbian-Montenegrin) border, to open usurpation of Republican duties and obligations in the several-month long attempt to politically save and support Milosevic's Montenegrin protege Momir Bulatovic. Nevertheless, Veran Matic adds: "It would be interesting to check the assumptions and seal into envelopes beforehand the names of tv and radio stations which will be refused, and names of those which will win the public competition. Everything is well known in advance around here. The game with channels is just another game which will end up like the announcement of the law on information of the Serbian minister Radmila Milentijevic". A year ago, the mentioned minister promised the "new law" in three-weeks' time, and there is still no trace of it. Not because the draft law scandalised even the greatest "patriots" with its rigidity, but mostly because the regime has at its disposal a much more efficient way of control of the press: distribution of newsprint, customs, storage charges and exorbitant prices of customs parking-space.

The recent Felipe Gonsales's refusal of the ungratifying role of special envoy of the European Union for Yugoslavia until the regime here meets all the demands from his report from the beginning of 1997 confirms the resoluteness of the international community not to forgive Milosevic any more for forgetfulness of "minor" demands in the game in which the stick is becoming thicker and the carrot increasingly needed for survival.

Of course, noone in Yugoslavia is deluding oneself that the world will sacrifice its interests for the sake of independent media around here, but everyone noticed that the first to respond to "Milosevic's public competition" was the Human Rights Watch from the USA with the demand to the Yugoslav government that, before it published such and similar public competitions, it prepare new laws on media, change the existing defects and understatements in the laws on Radio-television Serbia, on telecommunications, and on public information, in the manner which would guarantee issuing of permits for broadcasting by an independent agency and with absolutely no connection with political interests.

Until Yugoslavia passes new laws on media which guarantee freedom of expression in compliance with the world standards, there must not be any special "regulations": all those who are broadcasting at the moment should not be deprived of this possibility (as by a single move in summer 1997, the authorities deprived 77 independent, opposition and commercial radio and tv stations in Serbia of their permits for work). Of course, not even the most naive fighters for human and civil rights are deluding themselves that, without a threat with the stick, this appeal can produce any significant changes in behavior of Yugoslav authorities. They or some of its parts have manifested much less capability to learn from their own experience regardless of the size of the stick. Minister Radmila Milentijevic still blazes the trail in this sense: on 18 February she declared that Gonsales's report was "not valid any more" because "state television controls less than 50 per cent of information".

Despite the fact that the regime media have responded to reactions of their domestic and foreign enemies with a vehement barrage of commentaries (such as the the one that "not even the BBC works without censorship", that "Hollywood production directly follows political instructions of the White House") and angry patriotism, Federal Ministry of Telecommunications showed that it had at least heard the warning: the deadline for submitting applications was postponed for 15 March, and the main "catch" was omitted from the original list of the required documents: the certificate on possession of the permit, neither of which can be obtained without submitting the other one. More than 300 radio and tv stations which are assumed to be operating on the territory of Serbia (there is no exact data about their number) are for the time being awaiting spring 1998. with anxiety.

Aleksandar Ciric

(AIM)