Portrait of Milo Djukanovic

From Dogmatist to Reformist

It seems that the dogmatic regime, which Djukanovic himself had helped create, could begin to crumble only thanks to somebody who is familiar with all its mecahnisms

AIM Podgorica, 22 January, 1998

There was certain symbolism in the presidential inauguration of Milo Djukanovic. It took place in the shadow of destruction of the previous night, but for the first time after King Nikola was dethroned, such an important state ceremony was organized in Cetinje. Without the Yugoslav national anthem, but with the informal Montenegrin folk song instead, in the presence of diplomats from 56 countries of the world. The inaugural speech which toured the world thanks to numerous newspapermen and tv teams, was devoted to reforms and democratic transformation of the Montenegrin society.

Just a couple of years ago something like that would have been unconceivable. Because in the beginning of his career, Milo Djukanovic had seriously quarrelled with the world, with Cetinje, with reforms. He constructed his career on overthrowing Ante Markovic, the first true Yugoslav reformist prime minister. And in crucial moments, Djukanovic failed to oppose removal of federal prime minister Milan Panic and governor of the National Bank of Yugoslavia, Dragoslav Avramovic, although he had not hidden his inclination towards them while it was politically useful for him. In the latest parliamentary elections in November 1996, as one of the main footings of the victory of his party, he demonstrated his political intolerance in condemnation of the opposition. And ruthlessness. And nowadays, at the head of the democratic movement in favour of reforms and opening to the world, by preaching in favour of dignified and equal Montenegro, he attracted voters he could not have even dreamt would ever vote for him. At the same time, he lost some of his former zealous followers whose confidence he had gained at the time when his slogan was: "We do not want with us anyone who does not want Yugoslavia".

At the age of 36, Milo Djukanovic took over the presidential post in Montenegro and for the first time at this part of the Balkans, the miracle has happened: a reformist won the race with a dogmatist. "The common denominator of the parties gathered in the League of Reformist Forces is Serbophobia and anti-communism", are the words uttered by Djukanovic in an interview given to Politika ekspres in 1990. However, in autumn 1997, along with the transformed Kilibarda's National Party, Djukanovic appealed on these exact parties to support him in order to win the battle with his opponent Bulatovic, the conflict of a reformist and an extremely dogmatic concept of the society.

It seems that the dogmatic regime in the creation of which Djukanovic himself had participated, could begin to crumble only thanks to somebody who is very familiar with all its mechanisms. As an important figure in the establishment, Djukanovic specialized in technology of ruling in exactly the same manner he practised in getting rid of his opponents. This time he put this experience in the service of an open society. And he got open support both at home and abroad, which was decisive in his showdown with his recent party colleagues.

When at the age of just 28 and without a day experience - except in youth and party organizations - he became Montenegrin prime minister on 15 February 1991, younger than any of his ministers, many were convinced, the author of these lines inclusive, that Djukanovic would not manage to cope with such a responsible job and that he was a "sacrificial figure". Nowadays, at just 36, he is a veteran in politics. At the time, the youngest prime minister in the world, he was elected three times to the post. In the course of all these years during the war and international sanctions he manifested an enviable skill in managing legal and illegal flows of Montenegrin economy, which suprised even his most passionate fans. And opponents, indeed. Especially those who had for years accused him of not being a Montenegrin patriot and of being excessively rich, and even of being the biggest criminal "on the entire planet". The favourite Milosevic's oppositionists, the Radicals blazed the trailwith such accusations. They simply swooped down on him. After declarations such as "JUL (Yugoslav United Left) will not pass in Montenegro", he incurred wrath of Milosevic's wife Mirjana Markovic, who paid him back in the same coin, calling him "a smuggler and mobster who is sitting at the high state post".

Belgrade regime did not like Djukanovic's reports on the achieved economic independence of Montenegro which managed "for the first time in its history, to finance itself on its own". Least of all, his frequent visits abroad and cooperativeness in dealings with the international community. And when it was obvious that Djukanovic experienced considerable evolution, that his "anti-bureaucratic ardour" had died down, the couple from Dedinje, using the then Montenegrin president, initiated the decisive battle. And lost, at least for the time being. In fact, they lost at the moment when the former Montenegrin prime minister grasped the real proportions of the catastrophe of Montenegro under Milosevic's sponsorship, and when, aware that his homeland was a state before Serbia, threatened that Serbia might be left without a view of the sea. "In declaring ourselves in favour of a joint state, we clearly said that we would be in it for as long as it was a democratic community and as long as Montenegro would be equal. For the case of jeopardy of any of these principles, we have left the possibility to change this decision", Djukanovic once resolutely said. When Djukanovic explicitly struck at Milosevic himself by saying in an interview that he was an "obsolescent politician", it was the last straw. Persuaded by Milosevic, Bulatovic put himself at the head of defence of "Yugoslavia at any cost".

As it turbed out later, seven-year old monolith of the ruling regime in Montenegro had started to crack much earlier, but was seriously endangered by the demonstrations in Serbia during autumn and winter 1996 and in the beginning of 1997, provoked by Milosevic's theft of votes in the local elections. Much before this open conflict in which Bulatovic remained with his master and Djukanovic moved towards the students and the opposition, rumours appeared about the conflict between Montenegrin prime minister and president. It could be heard that the prime minister was not on the best of terms with Milosevic for a long time. The democratic part of the public, however, was very suspicious concerning these rumours. It was believed that Bulatovic and Djukanovic were skillfully playing the game laying a wager on both cards: with the former supporting Milosevic and the latter attacking him, they would be enabled to preserve power whatever the outcome. However, in fact, an unsparing struggle between two factions of the ruling party was going on, the dogmatic and the reformist, for the influence on the destiny of Montenegro which had already, thanks to their joint effort, been reduced to the "minor" republic.

Djukanovic's quite recent political past, despite his undoubted responsibility (he has still not disassociated himself from his conservative and belligerent period), need not necessarily, according to the opinion of the political analyst Srdjan Darmanovic, be a limiting factor for his future political actions. "Politics is one of those concrete and pragmatic activities in which nothing redeems and succeeds as much as success, in which present success supresses past sins", Darmanovic emphasizes. Djukanovic's sportish fitness and nature of a fighter who is not liable to despondency, after everything he had done last year, cannot be damaged any more by declarations from the time when he had not yet got rid of ideological prejudice and struggle for "threatened" Serb interests.

It will be remembered that at the Democratic Forum in 1990, a year after the "January revolution", he demanded self-determination of the people, at a referendum, concerning introduction of a multi-party system. He used to say: "Montenegro survived as an island of freedom when others were enslaved, so why would not it now survive as an island of communism". In 1991, Djukanovic "started hating chess, because of the Croatian flag" (which has the chess board at its centre), and when in the end of that same year Montenegrin mob set out to conquer Dubrovnik, he demanded definite demarcation with Croatia and correction of mistakes of the "semiskilled Bolshevik cartographers". Or, there is the declaration about Markovic's bananas (Momir Bulatovic also slipped on them recently): "In order to win favours of the citizens before the elections, supporters of Ante Markovic's policy brandished in front of the citizens with bananas which allegedly he had provided for them". And then, there is the story about "unjust, undeserved sanctions of the international community" which were "the effort of the West to bring to power persons who were to their liking"?! The idea of the opposition about a government of civic unity was defined by him as a "bypass" to independent and sovereign Montenegro, and he said the National Harmony coalition was unnatural...

By the opposite faction of the Democratic Party of Socialists Djukanovic is reproached for being a concealed Montenegrin separatist. He replies that he is a Montenegrin, but devoted to the Yugoslav cause. As opposed to his early years in politics, Djukanovic does not any more derive the connection between Montenegro and Serbia from myths on common history and unbreakable bonds of the two ancient states. He realizes that communities are founded primarily on the "principles of interest". He is already enaged in making Montenegro economically independent from Serbia and in freeing it of "the spirit of a loser and mantality of dependence". But even that is enough for Belgrade to respond with war trumpets. Trumpets are also heard because by turning his back to Milosevic, Djukanovic has offered a hand to the democratic opposition.

Branko VOJICIC

(AIM Podgorica)