ALBANIAN FOREIGN POLICY: SHIFTS AND HOPES

AIM Tirana, 1 November, 1997

After May 1996 elections, the foreign minister of Albania, could hardly be called that. He could travel around Europe only as a tourist, because not a single European capital wished to receive the foreign minister of a government which was the result of a dubious election process. Berisha himself, previously very active in foreign policy, was forced to remain shut in his office for almost a year until he left it for good in July.

This is already a long gone history. The new foreign minister of Albania Paskal Milo is one of the major figures on the Albanian political scene and the meter which measures mileage of his diplomatic travels is quickly accelerating. The new government is striving to pursue an active foreign policy and it has succeeded to ensure international support for it.

Perhaps the first major success of the new government are two international conferences for reconstruction of Albania held in October, the first in Rome, and later in Brussels. Western governments and international financial institutions, the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, confirmed their support by allocating about 600 million dollars for Albania for the next three years, in an effort to reconstruct the country devastated by chaos which it is having difficulties in recovering from.

Although the image Albania has abroad cannot be considered to be of benefit to it, the official Tirana is striving for an even more active foreign policy, which is sometimes even spectacular: establishment of a balance between European and American orientation in foreign policy; maximum activity concerning the Balkan issues; improvement of relations with its neighbours, Serbia inclusive; maintenance of an equilibrium between its Western-European neighbours, Italy and Greece, on the one hand, and between two "inimical brethren" Greece and Turkey, on the other; possible withdrawal from the Islamic Conference and perhaps accelerated joining of the Conference of Francophonic countries - this would be an outline of foreign policy of this small Balkan country which wishes to leave a trace in history of diplomatic vacillating, in which a "subordinate satellite" was replaced by a "stubborn girl" and vice versa.

The pragmatic foreign minister Milo aroused surprise when even before officially taking the post of the minister he announced opening of a dialogue with neighbouring Serbia. Not much time passed and Milo met his Yugoslav colleague Milan Milutinovic at a historic meeting of chiefs of diplomacy of the two countries, first in the decade. However, although the meeting was considered, although with much caution, to be "the first positive step forward", it seems that the prospects of a dialogue between Tirana and Belgrade have diminished after the forcible crushing of the students' protest in Pristina by Serbian police several days later. The meeting between Milo and Milutinovic served as a prologue for the meeting of the century between leaders of Albania and Yugoslavia, Nano and Milosevic to be held in Crete.

Tirana has obviously overcome all indecisiveness since the spokesman of the Albanian government told the journalists that "Nano has no prejudice concerning meeting Milosevic". Although the agenda has not been determined, it is expected that the topic of Kosovo will dominate the talks in Crete. Perhaps not much should be expected from this first meeting, especially if one has in mind the difficult situation Milosevic is in, but the meeting itself can be considered to be more important than its result. Well informed sources in Tirana make it known that Athens on the one and Catholic community Sant Egidio on the other are negotiating with the two parties. Athens demands to be the mediator between Tirana and Belgrade, and Sant Edigio wishes to be the mediator between Pristina and Belgrade.

In Tirana, the victory of the liberal Djukanovic in the presidential elections in Montenegro was welcomed with satisfaction. But, while government spokesmen appeared to be reserved, probably so as not to increase problems with Milosevic before the summit in Crete, the press in Tirana, including the pro-regime, welcomed Djukanovic's victory. Montenegro is not considered to be very black in Tirana which does not care to conceal its intentions to establish privileged relations with the small north-western neighbour, regardless of the level of the relations with Serbia.

Opening towards Serbia was accompanied by very reserved stance towards the other neighbour, Macedonia. Nano and his advisors do not seem to be ready to offer only concessions to the eastern neighbour, but have certain demands from it. The events in Gostivar caused very sharp reactions in Tirana. Several bordering incidents were also accompanied by sharp criticism. Foreign minister Milo did not hesitate to remind the Macedonians that Albania "was one of those countries which supported Macedonia in its most difficult period, it supported it even when the others failed to do so, and when the others were against it" - which is a clear allusion to the Albanian offer to Skopje to use its ports during the Greek embargo three years ago. "We opened our ports when the others were closing theirs for them. We recognized it when the others did not", said Milo.

In an interview for the Albanian weekly Klan, Macedonian president Gligorov expressed concern because of sharp criticism in Albanian media in reference to Macedonia and the possibility of pursuing a policy of conditioning. "Conditioning is nothing but an obstacle to good neighbourly relations", said Gligorov.

The first meeting between president Gligorov and Meidani in Strasbourg seems to have moved bilateral relations from the standstill. Spring developments in Albania, rumours about the sale of Albanian arms to Macedonia and later events in Gostivar and a few incidents on the border had brought these relations to the standstill. Fourteen bilateral agreements are awaiting signing for three years already, which was postponed because Tirana is refusing to sign anything with Macedonia instead of FYROM. This demand was presented to Meidani at the meeting in Strasbourg. In the vocabulary of prime minister Nano, the most frequent word is Balkan Schengen, and in that of president Meidani - the Eighth Corridor. Indeed, both concepts which Balkan policy of Tirana seems to be fond of, are connected by the idea of opening of the borders and free flow of people and commodities. It is expected that Nano will soon propose, maybe in Crete already, his concept of the Balkan Schengen - gradual abolishment of visas between countries in the Balkans. This idea seems attractive to Tirana, not only because of the need for increased economic contacts, but also because the Balkans without visas would mean free communication among the Albanians on both sides of the borders. However, this idea has very small chances to be supported, first, because Serbia is afraid of free inter-Albanian communication and, second and most important, because Greece, as the future member of European Schengen, is for the time being forced to close its doors to its Balkan neighbours. The "Balkans sans frontieres" for the time being belongs to utopia or at least futurity.

As concerning the Eighth Corridor or the corridor between the East and the West, it is not a new idea. Two years ago, presidents of Albania, Macedonia, Bulgaria and Turkey, signed an agreement in New York, according to which a highway would connect Durres, Skopje, Sofia, and Istanbul or, in other words, the Adriatic with the Black sea. The USA have expressed support to this project, but Greece criticized it because construction of this road would reduce significance of the port of Thessaloniki. Greece would prefer revival of the old EGNATIA route instead of this route which is called PARAEGNATIA in Athens.

Due to explosive events in the region and Greek opposition this project was long forgotten. Tirana has revived the idea and it seems that besides the backing of the USA, it also enjoys support of Italy which is turning its eyes towards the east, while it seems that even Greece will not be against it after all, because in its second phase, a branch of the Eighth Corridor will extend in the direction of Thessaloniki. The USA have offered 30 million dollars for the first phase and it is expected that a meeting of ministers of transport of the four countries will soon be organized, which would encourage faster implementation of the project.

A new wind has started to blow in the relations between Albania and Greece as well. Aeroplanes of Greek Olympic Airlines are taking Greek and Albanian ministers to and fro between the two capitals. Prime minister Simitis has recently visited Tirana, while two foreign ministers met a few times for the past three months since Nano's government is in power. Athens has offered Tirana economic and financial support and promised that in the course of November it would legalize 300 thousand illegal Albanian emigrants who are in Greece. Nano and Simitis who are linked by a long friendship prefer to talk in the same political vocabulary in which Balkan integration is the key word. It is expected that Nano will support the Greek proposal for foundation of a Balkan council, a forum for coordination of cooperation and regional integration.

The Albanian-Greek honeymoon caused certain discontent in Rome, perhaps not without reason, if one has in mind the burden Italy has born and still is in resolving the Albanian crisis. The Albanian dilemma whether the road to Europe passes via Rome or Athens caused many debates in the Albanian and the Italian press, which did not lack accusations of ingratitude. Italy is concerned because of the incessant stream of illegal immigrants from the eastern banks of the Adriatic. Prime minister Prodi even announced that aid for the small Balkan neighbour would be stopped, if Albanian officials failed to stop this inflow of people and boats. Indeed, even six thousand soldiers of the ALBA missions were not able to stop the Albanian boats from crossing the Adriatic, and one can just imagine what a country with destroyed army and police can do. Nevertheless, shadows of suspicion have been left behind and at the moment Tirana and Rome have established intensive cooperation.

In Tirana, it has already become customary that after every Greek minister who comes for a visit, a Turkish minister follows. After Greek Pangalos, Turk Cen visited Tirana this week. Tirana wishes to maintain good relations with both its neighbours without interfering in their quarrels. However, the thing that attracts attention is the fact that while Athens certainly is a significant economic and political partner, like before, after Washington, Ankara remains the most prominent military partner for Tirana.

Although it is possible that it will not make an official declaration about leaving the Islamic Conference, it seems that Tirana will put its membership in it on ice, which had caused sharp criticism four years ago. In the meantime, next month, for the first time, the Albanian president Meidani will participate at the Conference of Francophonic nations in Hanoi, which will mark its becoming a member of this organization. Albania has a long Francophonic tradition and becoming a member of this organization enjoys a lot of support both in Tirana and Paris.

Nano and Milo have steered the helm of foreign policy through great shifts. And after shifts comes hope.

AIM Tirana

Remzi LANI