KOSOVO: "DIALOGUE AFTER SERBIAN ELECTIONS"?!

Pristina Sep 23, 1997

AIM Pristina, September 20, 1997

It seems that a hard, if not painful and long period is ahead of the Kosovo Albanians and Serbs. It appears that the idea of holding a final dialogue regarding the settlement of the Kosovo issue is warming up, although there is an impression that it suits neither of the parties. For, the Serbian public outside Kosovo is constantly being "showered" with claims that such a problem does not exist, while on the other hand it looks as if the Kosovo Albanians have not secured the expected support of the international community. That is reason enough for them not to be in a hurry.

But, it seems that this time their wishes their wishes are irrelevant, they have been simply driven into a corner. Serbia, i.e. Yugoslavia not only by its obligation to honour the signed items of the Dayton Accord, but also by its desire to normalize the situation in Kosovo so as to finally have the outer wall of the sanctions lifted, and the Kosovo Albanians because apart from their politically expressed aspirations towards independence they have no other instrument whereby to win something more for themselves at this moment. Therefore the European diplomacy constantly refers to its principles on non-modification of borders, resolution of situation by peaceful means and on non-creation of new states. States which have several years ago emerged from the former Yugoslavia best testify of the "steadfastness" of that principle.

After all, although practically all western countries, including the USA, are in favour of a broad autonomy for Kosovo, the fact remains that it did not cross the mind of any of them to even give an outline of that autonomy. This can indicate two things: either that they are leaving space to two conflicting sides to agree at the green table on a compromise position for Kosovo as an autonomous unit, or of their non-static attitude regarding the solution of the Kosovo problem. After all, no one really expected diplomats to openly advocate, for example, the independence of Kosovo, as that would indeed be contrary to the principles of diplomatic communication.

But, as practice has shown that the West is always on the side of the strong, maybe this indicates a possibility of long, exhausting negotiations, naturally, if they happen to be the most direct possible ones. Many think that this potential dialogue will never be held between the two main protagonists, Milosevic and Rugova, and are more inclined to believe that, just like in the case of the Milosevic-Rugova agreement on the normalization of education in the Albanian language, there will have to be middlemen (despite opposition of the Serbian side) who will, at least, carry to and fro the documents to be signed. After all, a certain model of conducting dialogue existed until now - through press. It was used for exchanging messages and reminding each other of what Kosovo is and whom did it belong to.

It was precisely through press, which quoting confidential sources, disclosed that the first confidential discussions between the representatives of Serbia and the Kosovo Albanians were held in the Swiss Embassy. If this can be believed, it is still unknown who were the participants and what was the center of discussion.

As for the Albanians they have stated minimum preconditions for holding an open dialogue: normalization of instruction in the Albanian language and of the situation in the health sector, restoration of electronic media, the return of workers to their work places, liberation of political prisoners... The other, Serbian side, has its precondition: discussion - yes, but not about such a political status of Kosovo according to which it would be out of Serbia's control. Both the former and the latter seem to be stuck with these preconditions in a "dead end street" and it appears that no one is prepared to yield, at least not publicly.

After the visit of the leader of Kosovo Albanians, Ibrahim Rugova to Germany and his meeting with the Foreign Minister Klaus Kinkel, the prepared American - German initiative was announced with much fuss as it should symbolize the harmonization of American and European stands concerning Kosovo. Mr.Kinkel stated that the basic aim of this initiative will be to establish a dialogue, i.e. exert pressure on official Belgrade to stop stalling with what it will almost certainly be forced to do and, and on the other hand, to serve as a recommendation to the Kosovo Albanians to forget all about their dream of an independent state, as his political Director Wolfgang Ischinger recently said.

That pressures of these two countries will persist is confirmed by the establishment of the American Cultural Centre in Pristina and the already announced opening of the German Cultural Centre in Pec. First step in the establishment of a dialogue will be the implementation of the agreement on education which was signed through the mediation of the Italian community St.Egidio. Circles close to this community claim that during the recent visit of the representatives of this community to several universities in Pristina (where the Albanian students are denied the right to carry out their educational-scientific activities) together with the deans of Serbian nationality they made an inventory and that the official Belgrade indicated its readiness to immediately open the doors of secondary and some elementary schools which pupils do not attend, "but that the Serbs from Kosovo will not permit it".

This unexpected "fear" of the Milosevic's team from "their own down there" actually shows that this is only the same old Serbian policy of stalling, in which it is probably reckoning with some concessions when things become rough.

In the meantime, it seems that the Albanian nationality secondary-school and university students who are, most probably, fed up with sitting on the floor and having to hold their notebooks on their knees, have seriously decided to change something. The envisaged date of the planned protest - September 1, has been moved to October 1 - the official beginning of the school year. Although they say that it will be peaceful, it does not have to end that way. It is not by accident that only few days ago JUL, whose director is the wife of the chief workman of the destiny of millions of people in these and former territories of Yugoslavia, issued a statement wanting to make it clear to the international community that through no fault of Serbia's will there be "any bloodshed" in Kosovo.

Here, this is interpreted as a serious threat of the Serbian regime which will not mind starting again its bulky police and military machinery, if need be. To the question the Special Envoy for Bosnia, Mr. Gelbard whether it had crossed their minds that this might cause bloodshed, a student of the Independent Students' Union of the Pristina University, which is also the initiator of the manifestation of dissatisfaction with non-implementation of the agreement, answered: "Well, they kill us every day, although we stay in our homes".

However, if after the elections in Serbia preconditions for a dialogue are fulfilled, as Klaus Kinkel announced, and if all preparations for the implementation of the Agreement on Education in the Albanian Language are quickly dispensed with, then students will probably cancel their manifestation. However, another question is bothering the Kosovo Albanians: Do anger and bitterness of ordinary people always have to be a trigger for the resolution of problems; their threats of taking to the streets and risking to be beaten, wounded or to fall victims. If the agreement is ever implemented will not the western diplomacy see it as "a hand sincerely given to the Albanians" and reward Serbia - maybe even by lifting the outer wall of the sanctions, as if nothing had happened before?! What if the West denies its support to Kosovo regarding its political status and despite all the endured hardships recognizes it as exclusively Serbian problem? Doesn't such an attitude lead directly to unprecedented discontent because of which a possibility of bloodshed cannot be ruled out?

At one moment German Foreign Minister Kinkel said that in the forthcoming negotiations Mr.Rugova will play an important role. He did not say that Rugova will be one of the main protagonists. To this Mr.Rugova replied: "Germany is our friend, we have cooperated till now and shall continue to do so. And with friends you can always find a way"...Precisely this is considered an ambiguous message of the leader of local Albanians. At first sight it sounds optimistic, but can also be considered as a balance in relation to the German and all other international stands regarding Kosovo. Precisely that democratic world tapped Mr.Rugova on the shoulder and encouraged him to continue to maintain peaceful situation in Kosovo, praising him for his success. However, a possibility is not ruled out of this policy getting back at him as a boomerang because, according to analysts, it is too late for him to abandon now his adopted method of political struggle in order to achieve the much aspired after independence of the Albanian people.

On the other hand his "friends" have advised him that the so called more active resistance could bring him troubles. The leader Rugova is for some time the target of some political circles and people in Kosovo who are insisting on more active methods of operation. Have not certain diplomatic circles tried to convince students to postpone their protest after the elections in Serbia because things might change. In that context the meeting of Rugova with the newly elected socialist leadership in Tirana is interesting as it was held just before the one between the Albanian and Yugoslav diplomacy pompously announced by the local press for late October in New York at the General Assembly of the United Nations.

Judging by announcements it is expected that, on the initiative of Madeleine Albright, the Prime Minister of the Albanian Government, Fatos Nano and Foreign Minister Pascal Milo will meet with the Yugoslav Minister Milan Milutinovic. True, after open congratulations of Yugoslav socialists extended to the Albanian socialist on their victory something like this does not come as a surprise, especially because of certain hopes that Yugoslav diplomacy might be harbouring that the new Albanian government might formulate its many times presented stand on the settlement of the Kosovo issue and human rights of the Albanians, but within the Yugoslav borders. However, in his interview to the BBC, Foreign Minister Pascal Milo insisted that no one can negotiate in the name of the Kosovo Albanians, and that he would do his best for the comprehensive resolution of the Albanian problem, both within and outside his country, in other words, wherever they live.

None the less, there is still a major dilemma why did Kinkel assign Rugova only "an important" and not the key role in the resolution of the Kosovo problem.

The danger of further exacerbation of the situation in Kosovo can by no means be disregarded. Admittedly, attacks on police patrols or police stations occur with increasing frequency. The so called "Liberation Army of Kosovo" still assumes the responsibility for these attacks. When assuming the responsibility for the most recent attack in its release this "Army" for the first time sent a message to "those" in Belgrade that they are not too happy with the stands of the international community regarding the settlement of the Kosovo issue, concluding with a warning "we shall not leave you alone either". Equally intensive is the activity of the local police which intercepts, demands identification papers and brings in people for questioning every day.

The Pristina Committee for the Protection of Human Rights presented information that in August alone over 300 Albanians had "business" with the police in one way or the other. Those locals well-versed in the political developments think that such boiling atmosphere in Kosovo could be cooled down only by "foreigners" who would open their offices and in that way, to begin with show that Kosovo is not totally cut-off from the world and that there are those who "follow the situation". Behind the political scenes of Pristina there are rumours that the EU is planning soon to open its offices which would be entrusted with "absorbing great dissatisfaction of the citizens of Kosovo, which could easily be transferred to the streets...

AIM Pristina

Besim ABAZI