BULATOVIC OUTVOTES DJUKANOVIC AGAIN

Main Board of DPS Supports Milosevic's Candidacy

AIM Podgorica, 25 June, 1997

At first, in the end of March, Momir Bulatovic demanded that the Main Board of his party declare its stance concerning the question og Yugoslavia "with no alternative". Absolute majority was in favour. Then the popular man with a moustache invented the council for control of secret police - the Main Board unanimously voted in favour. Then the president of the ruling party submitted a demand for reconstruction of the Government - majority raised their hand in favour again. Then Milosevic's turn came - 56 (out of 97) of them, headed by president Bulatovic, were unconditionally in favour. Djukanovic's faction has nothing but consolation that they have succeeded in defending the Constitution made on mount Zabljak, although it is quite clear that this was just a trick needed by Milosevic in order to make it easier for his governor to squeeze through the only important thing - his inauguration for the head of the joint state. The prime minister and the chairman of the Assembly also have the satisfaction of reading every day in Belgrade gossip papers that they are in fact winning in the Main Board with enormous majority, but that only because they are compassionate they do not wish to dismiss Bulatovic from his post.

What is even worse for the so-called reform faction of the Democratic Party of Socialists (DPS), it was outvoted not concerning the question of for or against Milosevic's candidacy, but - concerning unconditional support to the leader of the Socialist Party of Serbia or "just" conditional, as Djukanovic and Marovic had proposed, when Milosevic presented his program. However, even this diplomatic and mild attempt, if not to reject, at least to annoy Milosevic, was too harsh for the ears and the sensibility of majority of the members of the highest office of the ruling party. After the outcome of the long expected session of the Main Board had been made public, the democratic public of Montenegro, and of Serbia, was caught unprepared, because mostly under the impression of the unfounded writing of privately-owned Belgrade dailies, it expected a completely different result. Rejection of consititutional amendments which even president Bulatovic voted in favour of, was known in advance, while concerning Milosevic's candidacy, if not boycott, at least the mentioned support conditioned by prior presentation of a program of work was expected.

Montenegrin democratic opposition which seems to have believed that a miracle had already happened and that the members of the DPS rejected Milosevic, are somehow disappointed the most. Its leaders are now resignedly commenting that unconditional support to Milosevic's candidacy shows that there are no reform forces in the DPS and that stories about them are just another deception of the ruling socialists. The more moderate ones are trying to save what there is still to save and to transfer decision-making about support for Milosevic from the Main Board of the DPS to the Montenegrin parliament. Just before the past weekend, the opposition submitted a resolution to the parliament in which it demanded urgent discussion and rejection of the candidacy of Slobodan Milosevic for president of FRY. The assembly should have continued its regular sitting today, but due to the splits in the ruling party it was postponed for next Tuesday. In this way, the possibility of discussion about the mentioned resolution was postponed for at least a week, although another appeal of the National Harmony coalition has reached the chairman of the assembly, Svetozar Marovic, to convene a session of the assembly urgently and put their resolution on the agenda.

The opposition explains this demand with "general disposition of the people" in Montenegro who are not inclined towards Milosevic. They are also quoting statements and stands of numerous organizations, the students', non-governmental, and others, to make it clear that the DPS has no right to support its creator Milosevic against the will of the people. It is interesting that these references of the leaders of the opposition to negative attitude of the public opinion concerning the personality and actions of the until just recently unquestioned leader, are confirmed by polls carried out by specialized agencies. Among a representative sample in a poll carried out on the territory of whole Montenegro by Podgorica agency Damar, to the question whether they were in favour of Slobodan Milosevic as the future president of FRY, an enormous majority of 64.4 per cent answered with NO, while only 21.2 per cent responded favourably. The distribution of the pollees is also interesting - Milosevic is supported mostly by persons over 60 and with elementary school education, while he is denied the candidacy by highly-educated citizens at the age between 18 and 50.

But, what is the use when the Main Board of DPS was unwavering. It is therefore hard to believe in the possibility that Montenegrins will change their minds and that the decision of the Main Board will be outvoted by the assembly resolution which would ultimately deny support to the candidate of the SPS. Especially because the conclusions reached at the session of the leadership of the ruling party claim that the DPS "through its representatives in the Chamber of Citizens and Chamber of Republics of the federal assembly should offer full support to the proposal of the Socialist Party".

But, in view of the chaos which is shaking the ruling party, this for the time being just theoretical possibility should not be rejected. The refusal of the DPS to accept constitutional amendments should be taken with even more reservations, although it was unanimous. If the SPS initiates the procedure for amendment of the Constitution of FRY, regardless of the stand of the DPS, which is exactly what according to announcements Belgrade will do, it is quite possible that, by purchasing seven votes of Montenegrin deputies in the Chamber of the Republics of the federal assembly, it will ensure passage of direct voting for Milosevic. Information from the Main Board of the DPS speak in favour of this, where prime minister Djukanovic demanded from the federal deputies to guarantee that they would vote against constitutional amendments. Analyses of connoisseurs of the structure of the group of DPS deputies in Belgrade are already showing that Milosevic could easily collect the number of votes he lacks among his fans sitting in Montenegrin benches of the federal parliament.

Confusion is obviously complete - it is impossible to know who is with whom in the DPS, nor who is in favour of whom, nor why, nor who is against whom. Everything, and even the attitude towards the federal state, the SPS, Milosevic, will obviously depend on the epilogue of the current conflict among the leaders of Montenegrin Socialists. On 11 July, when the very same Main Board of the DPS is expected to nominate its presidential candidate, it will be known who has taken over primacy on the Montenegrin political scene - president Bulatovic or the tandem of two vice-presidents of the DPS - Djukanovic and Marovic. As time goes on, all attempts of the so-called reformists to draw their party out of the mire of ideological passions and unison are becoming more and more illusory. It is impossible to say which of the two Djukanovic's illusions is bigger - his efforts to save the DPS from a split into two or more parties, or his hope that by victory of the reformist faction in Montenegro, he will reform not only the party but even the other federal republic - Serbia! With Milosevic or without him, and with enormous political and economic problems the brotherly republic tags along, Djukanovic's choice to support the concept of Yugoslavia seems to be even more utopistic than Serbdom of King Nikola, the last Montenegrin monarch, used to be. In any case, the current Montenegrin prime minister could have learnt certain lessons from the case of King Nikola.

Marko VUKOVIC AIM Podgorica