KOSOVO AS THE "NON-EXISTENT PROBLEM"

Tactless Statement of the Departing President of FRY

The latest statement Zoran Lilic made about Kosovo indicates the direction of the pre-election campaign and can be disturbing because it is impossible to know to what extent functional nationalism can be controlled. In other words, danger exists of quasi-patriotism getting out of hand, and - from growing terrorism and increased repression as its current results - of its developing into an open conflict of large proportions.

AIM Belgrade, 11 June, 1997

The declaration of the departing president of FR Yugoslavia, Zoran Lilic, that the problem of Kosovo does not exist and his "witty" remark expressing readiness to open the border towards neighbouring Albania for those Albanians who wish to have their own state, clearly speaks of two things: first, of a specific sense of humour of the president of all Yugoslavs (citizens of FRY), and second, of the policy of the party he is a follower of, or rather of its election strategy.

The first, which is both of individual and institutional nature, did not excite either democratically-oriented Serbs or Kosovo Albanians, in view of the influence of the departing president, both presonally and of his office (in the sense of power), but it was welcomed with satisfaction by the extremists on both sides, because with its connotation it abundantly stimulates national radicalism. However, the forthcoming departure of the "president of ceremonial activities" and the announcement of increasing of power of the presidential post and nomination of a personage who is influential as it is, indirectly gives significance to this declaration. Besides, nobody cared to disassociate himself from the controversial declaration, or tried to alleviate it by additional interpretations.

The other thing that indicates the direction of the election campaign may be disturbing, because it is impossible to know to what extent functional nationalism can be controlled. In other words, threat exists of quasi-patriotism getting out of hand, and from growing terrorism and increased repression as its current results - developing into an open conflict of increasing proportions.

Kosovo as the "non-existent problem" dates back in its strained form in late eighties when the regime was establishing central authorities on the entire territory of the Republic by propagandist pressure but also by police repression, depriving the provinces of power, and on the other hand when the Albanian leaders in Kosovo demonstrated not in the least less "nation-building passion" in their political declaration and the so-called Kacanik constitution adopted at a secret session of delegates of Albanian ethnic origin and the dissolved assembly of Kosovo in September 1990.

Ever since, the "non-existent" problem of Kosovo is on the agenda of parliaments of countries around the world and almost all meetings of Serbian and Yugoslav diplomats with representatives of the international community.

These very "nation-building passions" and deeply rooted negative stereotypes among the Serbs and the Albanians led to the appearance of "parallel" everyday life in Kosovo and Metohija. The Serbs and the Albanians, on the same territory, do not live ones with the others, but ones alongside the others, and quite often, ones against the others. The Serbs have their own football division, the Albanians have their own. There are separate "Serb and Albanian" places for entertainment. Whatever the topic, the Serbs and the Albanians speak differently: for instance, representatives of the authorities say that the Albanians are refusing to work, and the Albanians say that firing from work is a form of discrimination against the Albanians; data of the Serbian Ministry of internal affairs and the Albanian political representatives about the same developments are quite different... The "Albanian alternative" was at the same time gradually establishing parallel institutions of power which have become the foundation of "parallel life". That is how, among other, a separate tax system was established which enables operation of the entire "parallel system".

The Albanian ministry of education was also established, and a network of elementary and secondary schools, and even the alternative university. Teaching is organized according a separate curriculum, and in privately-owned houses, apartments, cellars, houses of worship... By the way, the agreement on normalization of education signed by Milosevic and Rugova in September last year, on the eve of the federal and local elections, has not been implemented to this day.

When the civil war on the territory of former Yugoslavia broke out, internationalization of the "problem of Kosovo" became one of the priorities and strategic pillars of the policy of the "Albanian alternative". Repression, or rather threatened human rights and freedoms were the basic, very successful means of internationalization. Democracy, human rights and freedoms were used as an efficient means for winning support of the world public, relevant international political institutions and great powers, and simultaneously the immediate cause for the achievement of the ultimate political goal - creation of an independent state or union with Albania, depending on international circumstances.

After everything stated, to say that the problem of Kosovo does not exist is, mildly speaking, irresponsible. The problem of Kosovo may be brought down to exercising human rights and preservation of safety, and one may have a hardcore political stance concerning the status of Kosovo, but to say that the problem does not exist, regardless of pre-election note in it, is politically frivolous.

In the year when Tudjman is visiting Vukovar, the city-symbol of human suffering and the unsuccessful national policy of the ruling party, the leadrship of that same party sets out in its election campaign with a national platform again. This national platform relies on Kosovo in the year in which discontent Serbs from Kosovo are appealing on the authorities to finally start action and carry out the long announced and promised interruption of emigration of the Serbs and Montenegrins and to enable return of the evicted, to begin implementation of the program for revival of Kosovo economy...

In pre-election 1997, however, emigration not only has not been interrupted, but as the latest example of refugee Serbs from Istok shows, it is even stimulated by the arrogance of local power-wielders. On the other hand, the example of police brutality and haughtiness of local power-wielders in Istok, and compassion and sympathy of neighbours Albanians which the unfortunate people protesting in Belgrade Pioneers' Park testify about to journalists, point out to anational solidarity which could be the first step towards joint, although in the circumstances, still "parallel" resistance to the unsuccessful authorities.

Therefore, apart from the discontented Albanians whose leaders have internationalized the problem of Kosovo and founded their aspirations towards independent Kosovo on violation of human rights, the authorities are facing discontented local Serb and Montenegrin population and discontented local leaders and representatives of the Church personified in Momcilo Trajkovic, president of the Serb Resistance Movement of Kosovo and Metohija, and the Bishop of Raska-Prizren, Artemije.

What are the election strategists of the ruling party founding their assessments on: short memory of the voters, their fear of anational or ultranational opposition, on the expected boycott of the elections by Kosovo Albanians, on election manipulations?

It seems that the leaders of the Socialist party of Serbia have assessed that a little bit of each, if well composed, could lead to a new election victory, and after that nobody will deny that problems in Kosovo exist. Once power is won, it is even quite desirable to respect stands of the "international community", lift the "unexisting outer wall of sanctions" and unhindered set out towards "the highest rate of growth in Europe". Peace rhetoric will replace the "patriotic" once again, implementation of the agreement on education might begin, and Lilic's declaration will hardly be remembered by anyoone.

Zoran Lutovac (AIM)