REFLECTION IN THE CROOKED LOOKING-GLASS

Media and Elections and in Republica Srpska

Last year's general elections passed with just negligible influence of the non-state media. The forthcoming local elections will yield results limited in terms of territory and they will be especially interesting because it will be possible to draw a very clear parallel between the influence of independent and opposition media and election results.

AIM Banja Luka, 21 April, 1997

Although elections for municipal assemblies in Bosnia & Herezgovina are scheduled for not earlier than September, the election campaign in Republica Srpska has started a long time ago. A few press conferences every day are an expression of the effort of the parties to present their views and stands via the media as soon as possible and as much as possible. Since non-parliamentary and minor parliamentary parties blaze the trail in it, one could say - the smaller the party the more aggressive its presentation in the media. Quite certainly, an increasing number of independent media is contributing to this, which are enabling the opposition to appear in public by carrying interviews, statements, commnetaries and reports.

Events linked to the media that took place in the past few days nevertheless show that the struggle for the media will take place in a completely different political space dominated by the ruling party.

The first was the almost unnoticed criticism by President of Republica Srpska Dr Biljana Plavsic stated to the spectators of the Serb Television, directly in the face of the Editor-in-Chief Drago Vukovic, in the program called Topical Conversations, that on that same television twice she had not been permitted to state her opinion about certain (she did not say what) issues. In this way it was clearly said to the public that Serb Television usurped the right to decide when the President of RS could address the people.

The second is the appearance of the journal called Prst (Finger) which calls itself the first tabloid of RS, and is classified among the so-called "yellow press". The contents really would correspond to the definition if it had not referred mostly to current politicians and parties mostly from the opposition, and not even all of them, but those who are not close to the ruling party. A few days before it appeared, the journal had been announced on the local privately-owned television channel "S1". After publication of the first issue, aggressive propaganda started on state television.

The observers tend to attribute both events to the possibilities of the ruling set of RS (which lately does not coincide with the ruling party) to affect the developments in the media in these elections like it did in the previous ones.

It is obvious that preparations for September local elections in the media are approaching the sharp end-game and that in the next five months a severe battle will be fought for every minute on the air, every line in a newspaper, every piece of news reported by an agency. Behavior of the ruling party and the opposition shows that the approach to the local elections to take place in September is serious for two reasons. The first is the attempt to win a new political space and to check their real political power in the middle of the period between two municipal elections (the next are announced for autumn 1998). The second is that majority of parties in both entities in B&H believe local elections to be fatally important, even decisive and not just an opportunity for asserting oneself in the local community. Such an approach is intensified by stories about the possible triple division of B&H, but also by critics of implementation of the Dayton accords.

Last year's experience with media in the general elections in B&H confirmed that complete control of the state mass communication media, along with an adequate election campaign, can yield results. It is easy to see the reasons for it - the sphere of influence of these media extends on the entire territory of RS and maybe even broader where there are voters (for example in FR Yugoslavia). They have a reputation, tradition and enjoy confidence from the times when they were the only source of information for the public. Although it is not insignificant whether the new media which bear the name "independent" are electronic or printed, it is a fact that the territory where they broadcast information is limited both in terms of territory and the public. It is not hard to guess that this refers mostly to the territory of Banja Luka and Bijeljina (even without their surropundings). This is only logical, because these biggest urban settlements and a few smaller ones were places where the opposition political parties were formed. The entire enormous and broad space outside the cities is completely at the mercy of the ruling party and the state media. The number of opposition parties and "independent media" is in fact used as an argument for imputing to the city of Banja Luka and its role as the centre of Krajina and logical centre of RS, separatism and other forms of opposition to the current authorities which accomplishes the additional propagandist effect in the interest of the ruling party. The struggle for control of the flow of information, especially for control of the "air" started immediately after the previous presidential and parliamentary elections. Obviously, the Charter signed in Geneva on 8 June last year which regulates "quick issuing of permits for media on political basis", starting of the independent television Banja Luka and appearance of the Open Network and TV IN under auspices of the office of High Representative indicated full seriousness of this struggle. Soon after private television S1 also appeared and declared itself alternative - for sports and culture. Being the first and new, even if only declaratively, alternative television, S1 with its 24-hour program and plenty of films from VHS casettes, is sure to become very popular. It soon proved that both its vast and for spectators interesting fields are becoming more a subject of political manipulation than a reflection of real achievements of sportmen and artists.

Probably that is how everything would have ended, if it had not been for a few other electronic projects which are seriously threatening the monopoly of state television and the new image of the alternative ones. This is first of all the Bel Channel whose experimental program conceals a lot on unknowns. What "leaked out" is that the program will be commercial for all those who pay, political parties inclusive. There are indications that other television stations will also appear on the battleground of Banja Luka. Apart from the approved channels for domestic media, three Croatian television stations and the first channel of Radio-Television Serbia and TV Sarajevo, are also on the air of RS. Regardless of the extent to which they offer the answer to the reality of RS, each one of these legal or "imported" channels has its portion of the public whose great majority still is not too good in choosing among the numerous TV programs and becoming aware that there is not just a single one which forms the political consciousness and stances.

Another question is how many other stations are consistent in it. But, regardless of the hardly comparable old, new and "imported" channels, with a great deal of certainty one can say that with its conception and completenss ot its programs, as opposed to improvised, recently started programs, only NTV Banja Luka is imposing itself as the true rival to state television. Judging by previous indications in presentation of all political options, it could truly be said to be "independent" and it is highly questionable what state television of RS would be like if TV Banja Luka had at least a similar possibility to be watched on the entire territory of the entity.

The situation concerning television outside Banja Luka can be described in just two words - entertainment and commercial programs on a few channels in Bijeljina and one in Prnjavor. With the main aim to earn a few dinars, in the political and information life reduced to the principle "do not stir up trouble", their entire influence on the public can be brought down to the possibility to divert a part of the attention from programs of state television.

The situation with radio stations does not differ much from that of television. Radio stations are just less popular, so their influence is therefore much smaller. Their number diminishes going to the west of Brcko and as time passes since the war and as problems with electric power are less frequent. Also because of the increasing influence of television in Banja Luka. That is perhaps the reason for lack of interest for opening new radio stations, contrary to the time from the beginning of Yugoslav crisis when Banja Luka and its surroundings were pioneers in opening private radio stations. The reason may also be the existence of a state controlled local radio station in almost every town of RS. The exception is Orthodox Radio St. Jovan which operates on eight channels, but until 30 October this year, as published in the Official Gazette of RS, it is exempt from paying rent for the channel. Nevertheless, Vikom Radio in Gradiska, a few musical radio stations in Bijeljina, but also a few announced ones with bigger information ambitions than entertaining, primarily the radio station of Nezavisne novine from Banja Luka, could very quickly improve the picture of radio stations in RS.

Electronic media will decide the forthcoming elections in RS. Possession of a TV or a radio set for the majority of people in RS is most frequently the only way to be informed, because majority of journals are too expensive. Newspapers are mostly published in Banja Luka and Bijeljina. However limited their prospects may be due to low purchasing power and exceptionally bad situation in the economy of RS, the number of independent journals is increasing. Much cheaper and easier to start, with no need for a sophisticated equipment, journals are a convenient media for all those who intend to try their luck in this field. It is true that the risk is the greatest, but so is the challenge, because the press as a rule addresses the public which is more stable and better educated. The taste and charm of an alternative picture in better economic circumstances would quite certainly open more possibilities for Guthenberg's inheritors.

The newspapers which are marked as "independent", although for most of them a much more precise assessment would be that they are oppositionist, in fact offer a picture opposed to views of the ruling structure. They are mostly consumed by the public with similar views. Without help from the international donors, majority of these newspapers would soon cease to be published. This is illustrated by the attempts of publication of independent media of "rightist provenance", like Knina, which was shut down due to financial difficulties after a period of free printing and free system of propaganda.

On the one hand, a small number of state media of concentrated power, scope and influence, still successfully parry the large number of "independent" media with limited range and public in urban environments, mostly Banja Luka and Bijeljina. It is very easy to precisely determine the scope of influence - everything that has the characteristics of oppositionist is in the north of RS. South of Bijeljina, except for a few parastate local television and radio stations, it is impossible to find a media of different views.

The international Community allocated resources for support to independent media as one of the key foundations of democratization of the society in B&H, and therefrom in RS as well. Although this money is measured in millions of dollars, diffuse organization of donations and absence of a clear and uniform political stance in distribution of money, caused it to be dispersed to a large number of inadequate media, mostly press, and their taking sides with insufficiently influential political parties, organizations and groups. The impression one gets is that for many representatives of international institutions it is more important to justify their existence and investment through marginal participants in politics than to actually achieve a better result.

Last year's elections passed with just marginal influence of non-state media. The next, local ones will have strictly limited results in terms of territory and they will be especially interesting because it will be possible to draw a parallel between the influence of independent and opposition media and results of local elections. For preparation of general, presidential and parliamentary elections in 1998, this could be of an enormous importance. It is hard to believe, though, that anything will change in the foreseeable future. In the conditions of still strong national passions and activities of national parties, hardly anything can easily and quickly disturb the established distribution of forces on the political scene.

Dejan Novakovic