A ROAD TO THE UNKNOWN

AIM Skopje, 19 March, 1997

The Macedonian Parliament sat for three days debating the inter-ethnic relations. For God knows which time, but now at the highest level, the remedy was sought for the inter-ethnic intolerance - the most dangerous disease spreading in these parts - in which Macedonia represents an critical case. The debate was held at the time when the students of Skopje went on hunger strike demanding from the authorities the abolishment of the law which envisaged education of their Albanian colleagues from the Pedagogic Faculty in their mother tongue. Irrespective of the fact whether this ultimatum of the demonstrators will bear fruit or not, they have already won a "privilege" for themselves to be recorded in the history of the international student movement as the only ones who went on hunger strike, but not to win a right for themselves, but so as to deprive someone else of that right.

They camped in a large white tent, literally in front of the Macedonian Parliament. The tent was frequently visited, sometimes by those who were proud of the "campers", but also by those who were ashamed of them, depending on the angle from which the things were observed and the limits to be set for heroism, patriotism and humaneness.

In other words, the parliamentary debate on inter-ethnic relations went on parallel to "peaceful" student demonstrations on the streets of Skopje with slogans demanding "Gas chambers - for the Albanians". Meanwhile, some political factors in the cities of west Macedonia made "counter" moves threatening with civil disobedience and regionalisation if the state remained relentless regarding Albanian demands. It should be mentioned that the debate was held after the collapse of several savings banks which have swallowed for good the money of many cheated depositors, but also in parallel to the processes shaking the neighbouring Albania.

President of the Macedonian Government, Branko Crvenkovski, opened the debate on inter-ethnic relations with a statement that "The Republic of Macedonia was in an exceptionally complex situation on the political, economic, social, and it can be claimed without much exaggeration, security level". Late in the evening on the third day President of the State, Kiro Gligorov, concluded the debate saying that it was irresponsible of some political leaders in the country to offer solutions from the neighbouring countries, adding that he was deeply convinced that Macedonians would not allow to be used as an instrument in this game. Between these two statements the parliamentary opposition stated its view that this debate was imposed by the Government so as to mask the true problems, primarily those regarding social and catastrophic economic situation, as well as that the ruling clique was encouraging inter-ethnic tensions in order to scare the citizens and divert their attention to a wrong direction. In other words, some parliamentarians were convinced that the parties in power, incapable of facing the true problems, have used the inter-ethnic tensions in order to preserve their position.

Also, during that time between Prime Minister's and President's speeches came the Declaration of the European Union stating the concern over the state of inter-ethnic relations in Macedonia, as well as with the fact that the Macedonian-Albanian border was deserted on the other side so that the unrest in Albania could at any time easily spill over to this side. That chaos Albania was caught in, had significant effects on Macedonia. While on the one hand it warned of all the horror still facing the south Balkans, on the other it encouraged the others to be even more aggressive and determined in the achievement of their own "opposition" aims and tasks.

Thus, the leader of the largest opposition non-parliamentary party VMRO- DPMNE, Ljubco Georgievski, already called the people to go on general strike scheduled for March 27, while the Albanians are more homogenous then ever before. The "expert opinions" on inter-ethnic relations from streets and coffee-houses, which range from the conviction of a part of the Macedonian public that "Albanians will be easy to handle now when the events have shown what their mother country is like", to those of a part of the Albanian population "that this is, perhaps, a genuine opportunity to wipe out all state borders in this part of the Balkans and start all over again", in fact originate from the same mainstream on which they feed, but have opposite "strategic" objectives. Obviously, their mainstream is the chaos ruling Albania, while the objectives depends on the national colours of their "experts".

Regardless of everything, the Parliament of Macedonia adopted the Declaration according to which inter-ethnic relations should be maintained in the spirit of tolerance, mutual confidence and respect, to be submitted to the Government and international organizations. It remains unclear what will become of the thousands of unemployed, pupils and students ethnic Macedonians who have been demonstrating for over one month in the streets of Skopje and what of the depositors of the Bitol "TAT" and other pyramidal savings banks who are demanding their money or resignations of the Government officials, what will they say to the increasingly impatient Albanians who think that this Government is manipulating them. But to other groups also which are lined up according to national or social similarities, which are of recent ever more aggressively insisting on the fulfillment of their demands. It seems that they have come to the conclusion that this is the right moment to "go all the way".

The forecasts that this Government will be unable to resist such pressures is based precisely on the uncontrolled chaos which is slowly, but undoubtedly spreading all over the country. The cheated depositors in Bitol are becoming increasingly impatient and from day to day intensify their demands. There are opinions that little is needed for Bitol to become Macedonian Vlore. After the disintegration of one of the largest pyramidal savings bank "TAT", Bitol was knocked down and is still unable to pull itself together. Everyone fears the moment of this "waking up to reality" despite the fact that the Government had promised to find a solution by which it will compensate the citizens for their losses. But, even if a genuine financial remedy is found for this lethal illness called pyramidal savings banks, it remains a secret what tranquilizers will that same Government use for "treating" 300 thousand unemployed and the same number of those who, either irregularly or not at all, get their wages.

On the other hand, the question is how will it avoid the crucial day when it will have to face the Albanian demands, primarily the problem of the Tetovo University which has become its nightmare. When it comes to this University, even birds in Macedonia know that the Albanians consider this "a sure thing" about which there will be no more bargaining. The University has become a symbol of the defence and defeat of their dignity and can also be a milestone which will mark the final "collapse" of inter-ethnic relations in Macedonia. This is, naturally, clear to the Government too so that, as regards this subject, it behaves as a butterfly circling around a lighted bulb, i.e. is going around in fear of burning its wings.

The opposition parties are also aware of this fact so that they use the students demonstration as an instrument in their attempt to suspend the Law on Pedagogic Faculty which allows the Albanians to be educated in their mother tongue, but also to abolish quotas envisaged for the enrollment at universities according to which non-Macedonians are granted some access to institutions of higher learning. That the Government is cornered by a multitude of pressing problems is also known to the Albanian political circles who reckon that after six years of independence and the proclamation of a civil concept, the Government should finally state when and how it plans to fulfill its promise according to which Macedonia will be a state the sovereignty of which stems from and is based on the sovereignty of its citizens. Even more, all that is going on in Albania is an equal warning to the local Albanians to be patient until their "mother country" gets on its feet again and an encouragement not to yield before the "adversary" which has for years been stalling with specific answers to their open questions.

Are the "TAT" and other bankrupt savings banks in any direct connection with the Albanian "pyramidal schemes"? How shall the events in Albania reflect on Macedonia, in the first place on the local Albanians? Will Macedonia manage to avoid the worst now, when faced with the greatest inter-ethnic, social and economic tensions? These are just some of the questions preoccupying the local public. Irrespective of how it will manage to get out of this situation, it has become clear that Macedonia is still an "island" in the middle of a stormy sea, but with visible signs of waves splashing against its shores which could easily flood it with all that is going on around it.

This is also confirmed by the on-going students' unrest, the strike announced for March 27, the bankruptcy of the pyramidal savings banks and ever more pronounced national division. This impression is intensified by the fact that the area on the other side of the Macedonian-Albanian border is under the full control of the revolting and local "revolutionaries" and that that "revolution" can spill over any moment. Especially taking into account the defence (im)potency of Macedonia whose borders are protected by the UN forces, as well as that the number of those in Macedonia who think that the time has come to make the "decisive move" is rising. Unfortunately, such exist in all national entities. And in equal numbers.

KIM MEHMETI