REFLECTIONS OF ALBANIAN POLITICAL PYRAMID
AIM Pristina, 11 March, 1997
To the already existing differences within the Albanian movement in Kosovo, chaos in Albania added a new, according to many, more serious and farther-reaching burden for its destiny. For the first time, a so far unconceivable split appreared in it concerning the stance towards the parent country of all Albanians. There have been certain tensions between Tirana and Pristina before. But they were always considered to be a normal phenomenon in relations between parties with different direct obligations and interests, which naturally impose themselves due to, among other, essential differences in their international position.
Although the split is not expressed as a "to be or not to be" of Albania, the impression is that it will significantly affect the nature of the existing differences and the position of the Albanian movement in Kosovo in general. Differences are at the moment caused by different assessments of measures for overcoming the present situation, in other words, their range and consequences for further destiny of Albania. This is the issue concerning which the demarcation line was drawn between those who are in favour of measures advocated by the Albanian opposition and those who support measures proposed by President Berisha. In the public, this demarcation is quite simplified as a division without any remainder and unavoidable nuances between those in favour of the opposition and those in favour of Berisha, which additionally burdens passions in contained in generally deep concern for the destiny of Albania and proclaimed objectives of Kosovo Albanians.
If weaknesses of people of this part of the world are left aside, although they also significantly affect comprehension of social processes and phenomena, it seems that "both parties" have strong arguments for their stances. Everyone who follows developments in Kosovo from within for some time, in the latest division first sees a paradox that angry political opponents found themselves on the same side: the leader of Kosovo Albanians Ibrahim Rugova and the respected Kosovo member of the Academy Rexhep Qosja with his Forum of Albanian Intellectuals (FAI). If one disregards newspaper analyses and commentaries in which one can also notice certain inclinations to previous public appearances, almost all Albanian political parties, organizations, associations and reputable political and public personalities share a completely different view. If it is possible to speak about paradoxes on the "other side", it should be said that this time on the same side are the greatest Albanian political rivals of the Democratic Alliance of Kosovo (DSK) headed by Ibrahim Rugova and the Parliamentary Party of Kosovo led by Adem Demaqi and minor parties which have so far almost always supported the policy of Ibrahim Rugova.
Presenting himself as the president of the republic of Kosovo, and not as the president of the DSK, on the day state of emergency was proclaimed in Albania (2 March), Rugova demanded from the authorities there not to use force "against peaceful demonstrators and from the demonstrators to abstain from destructiveness", and proposed the Albanian president and parliament to prepare a new constitution which would be adopted at the national referendum and then to schedule early parliamentary elections in an optimum time. By advocating taking of these, as he said, urgent measures, Rugova in fact sided with the Albanian opposition. A few days later, at a press conference, Rugova welcomed amnesty, as he put it, of all those who were discontented with the loss of money in so-called pyramidal systems.
By proposing Berisha to accept suggestions of the USA and EU, Rugova has obviously counted on winning diplomatic points in favour of his policy in Kosovo. He is probably still not counting on any merit that the Albanian opposition could bring him, since so far it was mostly indifferent and even critical to aspirations of the Albanians outside its state borders. However, in Kosovo lobbies, there are persistent speculations about Rugova's wish to get even with Berisha for his having advocated dynamization of the Albanian movement in Kosovo towards the end of last year, by which Berisha and his propaganda called off the former unconditional support to Rugova and practically sided with Adem Demaqi.
Even if Rugova's stances had been a surprise, reactions of Rexhep Qosja and the Forum of Albanian Intellectuals were quite expected. Denoting introduction of the state of emergency as an anti-democratic act, Qosja assessed that in such conditions only dictators and tyrants could be inaugurated and not presidents - democrats. The FAI which has until now always literally expressed Qosja's views, believes that motives of the current Albanian crisis are mostly political and institutional after fixing results of last year's parliamentary elections and curtailing of democratic and civil rights and freedoms. Later on, in a comprehensive article for weekly ZERI, to Rugova's proposals for overcoming the situation, Qosja added liberation of electronic media which are now in exclusive service of the regime.
The present Qosja's public statements are a continuation of a severe political war with Berisha lasting ever since he came to power in spring 1992. In the end of 1992 and the beginning of 1993, Qosja addressed serious accusations of Berisha for abandoning the ideal - uniting of all the Albanians in a single state and for agreeing to the status of ethnic minorities for the Albanians outside the borders of Albania, by diplomatic advocating creation of democratic space for the Albanians on territories where they live. Qosja was at the time at the head of the initiative for convening an all-Albanian Congress of reconciliation which has never been realized, among other, because of the resistance of the Democratic Party of Albania and Berisha himself. After controversial last year's parliamentary elections, Qosja addressed the sharpest criticism. He accused Berisha of "introducing a regime of neo-Stalinist dictatorship", and qualified him as a "neo-Stalinist autocrat".
The "other party" does not free Berisha of responsibility for the current situation in Albania, but starts from the stance which was recently expressed by Mark Krasniqi: "Albania is above everything else". On the occasion of developments there, Adem Demaqi heavily accused the Albanian opposition, especially the Socialist Party which gathers former communists, that in a wish to come back to power at any cost and with revenge-seeking motives, it united disappointed people with criminals, bandits and enemies of the Albanians and Albania and caused a conflict of one part with the other part of the nation.
Three days after the declaration of its President Rugova, the Presidency of DSK issued its own statement. Expressing deep concern, among other, because of negative reflections on Kosovo, the Presidency condemned all malevolent using of the situation for purposes of gaining political profit, as well as violence, anarchy and terrorism which are directly or indirectly in the service only of enemies of Albania and the Albanians. Supporting efforts of President Berisha, of state institutions, democratic political subjects and international diplomacy for overcoming the situation, Presidency of DSK appealed to all the parties to leave aside partial and personal aspirations and subordinate them to general national interests.
The first analyses made by connoisseurs of the situation in Albania are already being published. From a detailed contribution published by the weekly ZERI, one gets the impression that destruction of the so-called financial pyramidal systems might have been just "the tip of the iceberg". According to the author of the text, apart from historical differences which exist between the south and the north, in the past six or seven years differences were also created due to abnormal public, political and economic life in the country. Common denominator of all reactions in Kosovo, and even general support to the latest agreement reached by President Berisha and the opposition, regardless of divisions and nuances, is that that they are all more or less - strongly emotional. All things considered, just as the Albanians in Albania will need plenty of time and efforts to gradually overcome their inherited and newly emerged problems, Kosovo Albanians, and all the other Albanians, will need time to reconsider more realistically their relations with Albania. This will not be easy, in view of the century-old heritage that the parent country is observed as an unquestioned sanctuary. This will be the inevitable factor, it seems, in all future regrouping, calculations and aspirations of the Albanians outside the borders of the parent country.
When speaking of influences of the current developments on aspirations of the Albanians outside the borders of Albania, there is general agreement in Kosovo that this influence will be extremely negative. But, there has been no analysis yet in this sense. Vice-President of the DSK, Hydajet Hyseni, has recently declared that destabilized Albania was causing great damage to Kosovo and expressed fear that destabilized Albania is partially aimed at destabilizing the peaceful liberation political movement in Kosovo.
Both in Kosovo and in the world it is believed that developments in Albania will postpone consideration of the question of Kosovo, and petrify the long lasting blockade even more firmly. It seems that Kosovo Albanians have lost a powerful psychological point of support and that the Serbs, that is the regime in Belgrade, have gained at least that much. However, Vice-President of the DSK declared, "it should not be forgotten that the Albanian movement in Kosovo has neither appeared nor survived with the help of Albania". This can be taken as realistic, under the condition that all other factors remain unchanged - both on the Albanian and the Serb side, both in Kosovo and in Serbia. And while for the Serb side it can be said that it can be put or kept under control, for the Albanian this cannot be claimed with certainty. Rugova is now far from controlling the situation like he used to. Even if he united, at least concerning the most essential points of interest of Kosovo Albanians, with Adem Demaqi, which at the moment is completely unlikely, it is highly questionable whether united they would be able to control all the trends and unrest among Kosovo Albanians.
Fehim Rexhepi