PRISTINA: THE UNIVERSITY DETERMINES THE DESTINY OF THE AGREEMENT

AIM Pristina, 21 February, 1997

For several weeks already, Belgrade is testing its policy and diplomacy of blowing hot and cold in Kosovo. They are implemented though the campaign of persecution and arresting the Albanians on one and implementation of the Agreement on normalization of the Albanian schooling system, on the other. In this complex tedious game, as the first document in which the two parties have expressed joint agreement about something, this Agreement has in a sense become an indicator of the possibilities of breaking the long lasting Kosovo blockade and implementation of the step-by-step policy in Kosovo.

At the same time, the Agreement has become an indicator of broader inter-Albanian political developments and disposition. Although it is clear to everyone that although the schooling system is far from being the essence of the issue of Kosovo and Albanian-Serb confrontations, for several months now, it seems that all the problems have been focused on it and the destiny of this Agreement. With possible implementation of the Agreement, representatives of the Albanian policy could be able to present their first success to the public and promises that other problems could be resolved in a similar manner. The destiny of the Agreement from the aspect of inter-Albanian developments is politically ranking high among the Albanian rival political faction which advocate abandoning of the past anaemic Albanian policy and its radicalization. Expressing doubts about the possibility of implementation of the Agreement and the step-by-step policy, it believes that if anything at all can be done in this way, it cannot be achieved without mobilization of all Albanian potentials and making them an unavoidable factor of solution finding.

From the moment of signing (in September 1996), the Agreement has met with various, and even quite opposite interpretations. Differences appeared not only between parties signatories, but also within each of them. On the Albanian side, there were unfounded praises, criticism because of its limited range and suspicions about the possibility of its implementation. On the Serb side, mostly in Kosovo, the agreement was not rejected, but the manner in which it was questioned left no doubt that it was considered to be unacceptable and harmful for Serb national interests. In the beginning it did not seem to be too threatening, but later on, as certain circles insisted, discord among Kosovo Serbs became one of the significant political obstacles to implementation of the Agreement. The stance of official Belgrade was much more complex. For it, the Agreement was just a part of a broader policy and diplomacy concerning Serb opposition - the Kosovo Serbs, the Albanians and the world, and this made its position contradictory from the very beginning.

Assessing the significance of every one of them, it could have been expected that Belgrade would be inclined to the policy of delays and hesitation. The Agreement is generalized, and the schooling system such a broad area that whenever needed, a pretext can be found for postponement of talks or failure to implement the agreed.

In this sense, the Agreement already has an interesting history. On the day when it was signed, the Albanian representatives demanded explanation concerning the Albanian parallel university. The university was not mentioned at all in the, conditionally speaking, normative part of the signed Agreement. By the way, the Albanian public and even many politicians at some even high posts in the Democratic Alliance of Kosovo, do not understand at all how a document on Albanian schools could be signed without even mentioning university education in Albanian language. This question was clarified soon after in the spirit of jointly coordinated but unsigned Protocol in which the university and other educational institutions had a prominent place. However, as it was confirmed in talks held in Belgrade in the end of January and beginning of February, and which should have continued this week in Pristina, this solution only temporarily removed the university as the obstacle to negotiations.

In the meantime, presence of a third party in the talks on implementation of the Agreement became the stumbling block. Since September last year until January this year, their were no formal talks because the Serb party emphasized that mediation encroached upon exclusive competence of the Serbian Government and state and that it could become a contageous precedent for the future. The Albanian party insisted on mediation for approximately the opposite reasons. Aware also of the Serb inclination towards delays, when the Serb party gave way concerning the mediator, the Albanians took a firm stance that as far as they were concerned, endless delays should be prevented. It is intended to achieve this by setting an internal deadline by which futile talks would be tolarated.

That is why it may happen that the announced Pristina round of talks (planned for 20 February, but not held) will be the last before an indefinite postponement which may end with open or passed over in silence freezing of the Agreement, and even its calling off. The current state of the talks can be said to be very positive at least superficially. With mutual agreement, talks refer only to unconditional return of Albanian pupils and students to schools. All the other, very significant issues such as curriculae, nomination of management, recognition of diplomas, financing and others, have been left for the future.

However, under the surface, the Albanian representatives are anticipating inclination of the Serb party to resolve the issue of return to school buildings in phases. Some Albanian sources are assessing that the Serb party is ready to implement the Agreement almost instantaneously in elementary and secondary education, and to leave the University for a later date. With such a message, mediators visited Pristina, but the Albanian party at present does not even wish to consider such a possibility.

Even if the Serbian authorities did not have the intention to leave the Albanians without the university (as far as it is known, the question whether there will be one of two universities in Pristina has not been posed yet), any direction of seeking a solution (it has not been specified either how school premises would be divided: according to percentages and physically or functionally), will not remain without serious political implications. The Albanian sources assess that Belgrade greatly fears reactions and even possible discontent of Kosovo Serbs which would then spill over to Serbia. It is believed that it will be difficult for Kosovo Serbs, that is, for their representatives to withdraw from positions they have been building for years on systematic satanization and cursing the Albanian culture and education, especially university education in Albanian language. But, that will be the lowest price Kosovo Serbs will have to pay. In any solution of the Kosovo issue, they will have to accept the Albanians as their equals in all spheres of life and work.

Representatives of the Albanians can understand these Serb difficulties. But, since this is a matter of such a vital issue such as integrity of the Albanian education system, there is not much chance that they will give way concerning the University. Besides, for anybody who even tries to get involved in giving way concerning the university it will quite certainly be the first step towards dishonourable departure from the Albanian political scene. The Albanian repersentatives are also pressured by time and impossible conditions in which the teaching process for the Albanian pupils and students is taking place. Due to all that, if there should not be any tangible progress in implementation of the Agreement in one of the next rounds of talks, it might happen that all talks about education will be abandoned for a long time to come. All things considered, the university will be the first and the most significant test for seeking a peaceful solution in Kosovo, by all means decisive for the destiny of the Agreement on normalization of education in Albanian language.

Fehim Rexhepi AIM Pristina