THE LADY AND THE BUM

Plavsic against Krajisnik

For the time being, the conflict between Plavsic and Krajisnik mostly resembles the old saying that the earthen pot must keep clear of the brass kettle, but wasn't the same said of Milosevic and the Serbian opposition only three months ago.

Banja Luka, February 10, 1997 (AIM)

When in her inaugural speech held in Banja Luka last October 10, Biljana Plavsic pointed out her dedication to the rule of law over the rule of men, those well-versed in local circumstances could discern on the other side of this impassioned speech of the RS Lady President, a pair of dense eyebrows of unidentified origin. However, when three and a half months later she submitted a request to the Government for the inspection of business operations of the firms "Selekt-impeks" and "Centreks", everyone recognized on the other side a life-size Momcilo Krajisnik.

However, to start this story with the episode on "Selekt-impeks" and "Centreks", state monopolistic enterprises directly controlled by Krajisnik and in charge of importing and exporting everything, from baby pacifiers to cannon balls, would be the same as to start a play from the third act. In the first place, because this one, just like all other contemporary Serbian thrillers, begins with characters.

In that respect the Republic of Srpska is hopelessly too small for us to explain how totally opposite are Plavsic and Krajisnik. She is guided by ideals, he by interests; she is an intellectual, often unaware of the world around her, he is a suburban landlord with a feeling for (politics) the market; she is femininely direct, on occasions offensive; he is orientally implicit and efficient as a death sentence; she is principled and consistent, he is flexible and stubborn; she is an improviser and unadaptable soloist, he is a team player always aspiring after captain's place; she sees the state as a historic enterprise, his thesis is that a state is also a firm just like any other, only somewhat bigger...The only trait that brought him and Plavsic together was their skill to avoid open conflict, although each time they meet and demonstrate good manners and exchange courtesy smiles, both look as if they would never smile again.

The coming of Biljana Plavsic to the helm of the Republic of Srpska was not the result of either Krajisnik's or Karadzic's choice, but rather of a fear that without a morally impeccable candidate at presidential elections they would not stand much chance against the storming propaganda from Belgrade which supported Zivko Radisic, leader of the Socialist Party of the Republic of Srpska. After Aleksa Buha withdrew for the lack of personal courage to take that place, and Karadzic's breaking up with the SDS, Biljana Plavsic, who spent the war engaged in humanitarian activities, remained the only candidate. However, she would not have had a chance even then had not Krajisnik estimated that all major decisions will be brought between Alija Izetbegovic, Kresimir Zubak and himself and that the authorities of the entity will only be there to see to the implementation of what this threesome agrees on at their seances.

However, Biljana Plavsic could play anything but a role of an extra at the presidential post. When in her office at Pale she realized that in the Serbian war capital even cones dance to Krajisnik's music, she definitely moved to Banjaluka. Naturally, she also wanted to transfer the presidential account, which did not meet with the understanding of Krajisnik's circle. That was their first open conflict. After that, more openly than ever, looking for her place under the presidential sun of the RS, she supported the idea of Banjaluka becoming the Serbian capital, thereby provoking the rage of everyone at Pale, including the abovementioned cones.

However, Biljana Plavsic needed Banja Luka as much as Banja Luka needed Biljana Plavsic. In the RS President this town got the most ardent supporter of the thesis on the moving of the capital to the river Vrbas, while for her part she managed to form her cabinet in Banja Luka and rally about herself more people than she could find at Pale who were willing to be even seen in her company. Dissatisfied with the state media in the RS which are mostly under Krajisnik's control, she managed to start "Knina", a paper which, if nothing else, comes out regularly, in contrast to the Pale "Oslobodjenje" and "Javnost".

An inccorigible monarchist of radical national views (although not as much as she has clumsily shown in the media), in her struggle against Pale Ms.Plavsic succeeded in winning, if not support, than an "active tolerance" even of forces such as Zivko Radisic's Socialist Party of the Republic of Srpska (SP RS), who generously forgave her notorious intolerance of the leader from Andric's Square in Belgrade. However, this does not mean that by lobbying for Banjaluka B.Plavsic became an authentic slave of urban political soft-heartedness manifested by some political forces in this city. For the time being Banja Luka and Ms.Plavsic function according to the principle of successful mutual servicing, but whether this will amount to something more remains to be seen.

After she allowed Krajisnik's circle to drag her into a risky game with the Army, so that the General Staff could press her into taking "their" security officer Mile Renovica, Plavsic finds it increasingly easy to decide on independent actions. First she strongly, if not publicly, supported accusations of the Banja Luka parties against Serbian negotiators on arbitration concerning Brcko. Concentrated in Banja Luka, the opposition opposed the idea that such a question should be decided by a narrow circle on Pale. Plavsic demanded that this issue be put on the agenda of the Assembly session which was held on Friday, February 7 on Jahorina.

However, her efforts did not bear fruit since the ruling party convinced the opposition delegates that it would not be wise to talk about this in front of parliamentarians from the Federation. It all ended the day before the session, with a joint informal statement of the Serbian parties deputy clubs (excluding Socialists) which said that Brcko should remain in the Republic of Srpska. At that same session the proposal of the opposition for temporary transfer of the Government to Banja Luka was also rejected which proves that the balance of powers between Plavsic and Krajisnik has not essentially changed.

The tension between them has increased by the decision of Krajisnik's circle to transfer the two largest public enterprises "Serbian State Bank" (former Social Accounting Service - SDK) and the PTT of RS from Banja Luka to Sokolac and precisely at the time when negotiations of the Serbian representative in the B&H Presidency with Federation leaders and Carl Bildt on unified payment operations and system of postal communications were well under way. People around Plavsic see this decision as a shortcut over Pale and Sokolac for integrating RS into B&H.

On Wednesday, February 5, only a day before the Government session which was to deal with the Law on Arming and Equipping MUP (which, according to the AIM sources on Pale was connected to "Selekt - impeks" as an exclusive supplier), Plavsic made a radical move hitting at the same time on two Krajisnik's strongest strongholds - finances and the police. That same source claims that in addition to this deal, "Selekt - impeks" and "Centreks", which Krajisnik controls through his brother Mirko, have already been awarded all major supply contracts thereby providing individuals from Krajisnik's circle with large foreign exchange profits on account of commissions for concluded supply contracts. In this the MUP (Ministry of the Interior) also appeared both as a participant in the uncontrolled distribution of commissions, as well as a force which physically protected monopolistic position of these enterprises in import-export deals.

Consequently, Plavsic informed that "the Office of the President of the RS has received documented information on business transactions of the enterprise "Selekt-impeks" about whose existence, or the participation of the MUP in its work the RS President knew nothing. After detailed inspection into the truthfulness of evidence gathered on the firm "Selekt-impeks", the RS President demanded from MUP RS to inform her - whether, since when and how was this Ministry part of the dealings of the firm "Selekt - impeks". After the MUP confirmed these allegations clearly proving that the Ministry of the Interior of the Republic of Srpska took part in the operations of "Selekt - impeks", the RS President handed over this material for further investigation to the RS Government, as the highest state executive institution", said the statement of the President of the Republic of Srpska.

Zivko Radisic and the Serbian Party of Krajina and Posavina immediately voiced their support to Plavsic, while an ominous silence ensued among the authorities. A day after, her initiative was presented at the session of the Government at which management of enterprises "Selekt-impeks" and "Centreks", financial police and Ministry of the Interior of the RS were asked to "submit reports on enterprises' business operations and other findings contained in the recommendation of the President of the Republic" by February 15.

Judging by the Government's decision, Plavsic's order could be annulled, same as her request for parliamentary debate on Brcko. No matter what happens, Krajisnik will not allow anyone to meddle in his affairs, but the question remains whether he will decide on a counter-attack or will simply choose to ignore Plavsic's blow. Judging by the present balance of power, Krajisnik has behind him not only police, financial flows and party infrastructure, but also the international representative in Bosnia, Carl Bildt, who does not hide that he considers the Serbian representative in the Presidency lesser evil than the stubborn Serbian Lady President. In this controversy, if it is of any relevance, closer to Krajisnik than to Plavsic is Milosevic, whom he appears to have persuaded of being his best disciple in Bosnia, but also Alija Izetbegovic who in-between Presidency sessions quite intimately complains to Krajisnik of insufferable Kresimir Zubak.

Behind Plavsic's concrete initiatives are only forces of fragile Banjaluka opposition and a part of the military. At the same time, the disastrous social situation plays into the hands of the RS President since in the emerging wave of strikes no one accused her of a six-month and longer delays in the payment of salaries (in coupons), which could not be said of Krajisnik.

All in all, this conflict for the time being mostly resembles the old saying that the earthen pot must keep clear of the brass kettle, but wasn't the same said of Milosevic and the Serbian opposition only three months ago.

(AIM) Ivan Djordjevic