WHO IS BEHIND THE STUDENTS?

AIM Pristina, 17 January, 1997

Both a psychological and a political turn in relation to the situation in the past few years has occurred in Kosovo. At the moment it is difficult to define it with precision and with all its elements, because the process is still under way. But, one can speak of characteristic trends present since December last year. The most characteristic trend is creation of two major political "gravitation" centres which have for weeks either drawn or repelled all the main inter-Albanian political processes.

Until recently the only one, personified by Ibrahim Rugova, is becoming one of these centres. The other is Demaqi's centre which has become real, after the unexpected December turn. At least that is how attitudes of the official Tirana to the so far prevailing policy of Kosovo Albanians looked upon on the surface. The official leadership, but also all political forces in Albania, started since recently to emit messages of encouragement to Kosovo Albanians - to replace their former passivity with active non-forcible resistance, accompanied with a promise of every possible assistance.

That is how after many years, a serious alternative was for the first time imposed on the former policy in Kosovo, if not concerning ultimate goals, then quite clearly concerning the roads to their realization. However, apart from the breakthrough in the psychological sense that something must be moved or set in motion in Kosovo, and apart from global outlines of trends of political realignments, until students' Petition, at least on the surface, there was no specific or visible political expression of anything of the kind.

At the height of serious questioning of the monopoly of the former ruling political centre, about 550 students of the Albanian parallel university, towards the end of December, addressed to Ibrahim Rugova a petition with nine political demands which encroach upon all essential problems of inter-Albanian relations. They have been all well known and have been brought up before, but they have never been considered, either in the narrow or in the broad Albanian framewok, as general Albanian problems in Kosovo.

A part of the explanation why every initiative in this sense has been rejected in the past years is offered by the atmosphere created immediately after publication of the students' petition in the ruling Albanian political centre and in the management of the Albanian University. Although the very title of the Petition says that it is an Independent students' intiative, these two structures have secretly set parts of their apparatuses in motion in order to find out who these students were, what their intentions were, who they were prompted by, who they represented, why they did not use the existing students' and youth organizations... That is how a climate of suspicion and condemnation was created in the controlled press and at the University. That is why both the petition and the action for its signing are still concealed by a veil of mystery, due to which the initiators and the signatories are mostly avoiding to speak about it in public. The initiators have certainly counted on it, but probably also on possible interest of the police and that is why they have carried it out hastily.

In the petition, it is demanded from Rugova to insist on capturing school buildings, to constitute the parliament of the Republic of Kosovo and to make Adem Demaqi its member. If that is not effectuated, all deputies should publicly submit their resignations and apologize to the people for having, intentionally or unintentionally, deceived them. In the fifth item, abolition of censorship in daily media is demanded, and former political prisoners are called to wake up from their dream. Normalization of relations between the president (I. Rugova) and the government (of the Republic of Kosovo in exile) is also demanded, as well as activation of the Coordination Board of Albanian political parties in former Yugoslavia, and it is demanded to put an end once and for all to the policy of castes, or introducting feudalism in Kosovo.

There is a lot of guessing in Kosovo concerning taking of this initiative, but regardless of what had brought it about, the petition has to a great extent expressed momentary Albanian impatience, disagreement with prolongation of the current situation, but also inclination to seek and find roads to change the current order of things which is assessed as expressedly negative for the future. As an expression of general Albanian frame of mind, the petition has completely fitted into the process of overall inter-Albanian political changes.

Due to the depth and complexity of the problems, as well as the global situation in Kosovo, it is hardly probable that the Albanian students could appear on the Albanian political scene as a special organized group, as it is the case in Serbia, Bulgaria or certain other places. But, it is quite possible that they might be the first to appear on the public scene, as a catalyst of everything accumulated among the Albanian population during years and everything that is currently cooking under the surface on the Albanian political scene.

The petition is also a significant phenomenon in the political life of Kosovo Albanians. For the first time, in a single place and in such a clear manner, and from one significant social group, sharp criticism is addressed towards the inside, that is to the ruling Albanian political centre. That is why suspicions and more or less concealed condemnations of students. The Albanian leadership is not used to having that type of opposition. So far, it has with great deal of self-confidence refused even to talk about possible inter-Albanian difficulties and weaknesses. That is why it is difficult to forecast how it will respond in this case. But, however it may act, it seems that the monopolistic position it had enjoyed during the past few years is weakening.

First and foremost, it is considered to be impermissible to continue burying one's head in the sand while teaching is still taking place in extremely inadequate buildings, private houses or cellars. This disposition seems to have extended to the current Albanian leadership. When the Agreement on Normalization of the Albanian School System was signed, it was promised that most of it would be implemented in a month. Offered "carrots" that a mediator would soon come from Rome to Pristina and then have talks in Belgrade do not sound convincing any more. The Albanian leadership seems to have taken the stance to reject endless negotiations. The beginning of the second semester for the Albanian elementary- and secondary-school pupils has been postponed because of lack of heating-fuel, but if rumours are to be believed, partly also because of the danger that uncontrolable public protests might break out. If this is true, then the problem is just postponed for a short time, for about two weeks.

Interest seems to be growing among Kosovo Albanians to clarify as soon as possible dilemmas about operation and responsibility of its legally elected representatives. They have not even assumed their duties, least of all fulfilled the promises they had made to the people. Kosovo parliament has never been constituted, but it seems that time has come for resolving these problems as well. The month of May is the deadline. The possibility has not been ruled out that Rugova may schedule elections for all authorities in Kosovo which the Albanians consider to be their own for May, just as he has promised.

Fehim REXHEPI AIM Pristina