POLITICAL SPLITS

AIM Pristina, 27 December, 1996

In the relations between Tirana and Pristina serious political splits have recently appeared. At the moment they are evident in different stances to anti-regime demonstrations in Serbia. Leadership of Kosovo Albanians headed by Rugova is following these developments with considerable indifference, and official Tirana offers unreserved support to demonstrants in Belgrade and other towns in Serbia. The other, probably more significant element of these political splits is that official Albania has withdrawn its support to passive wait-and-see policy pursued by Ibrahim Rugova. These differences are for the time being expressed via media and have not yet acquired the form of direct disagreement between two Albanian leaderships, at least for the public. But, anyone better acquainted with the position and policy of daily informing media in Kosovo and electronic media in Albania can easily conclude that the "new course" taken by these media in Albanian-Albanian relations is by no means simply the matter of changed journalists' views.

In the past few years Rugova's policy had absolute monopoly to information from Pristina, which were broadcast via the network of Albanian RTV in Tirana. This monopoly has suddenly been interrupted in the past four weeks, and the impression is that news and information from Kosovo are now subjected to different criteria of selection, which are, when speaking of freedom of media, unacceptable.

That something was wrong could be noticed immediately after the first editorial of the Albanian RTV in the regular information program on Kosovo. Despite the indifferent position of the official leadership in Pristina, the editorial offered almost unreserved support to Serbian opposition movement for elimination of the dictatorial rule in Belgrade. At the same time, it was suggested to Kosovo Albanians not to have any doubts about giving support to the democratic movement in Belgrade and with considerable circumlocution disagreement with Rugova's wait-and-see policy of was expressed. Such editorials became more frequent in the days which followed and in each, an increasingly clear stance was expressed - that Kosovo Albanians should not sit doing nothing, but like people in Belgrade and other Serbian cities, in a peaceful and democratic manner begin offering active resistance to oppression and terror employed by the dictatorship in Belgrade. Finally, in the editorial read on Albanian RTV a few days ago, everything was said quite bluntly.

For understanding this unexpected shift, the one-hour interview of Adem Demaqi on TV Tirana is also sifnificant, in which he stated his well-known views on Rugova's passive wait-and-see policy and criticized censorship in means of daily information in Kosovo and the fact that the Albanian Radio-Television is closed for information from Kosovo. But, the most important thing in promoting the "new course" was certainly the interview with the famous Albanian writer Ismail Kadare. This interview was re-run later on and in a way it was the crown of the first series of new messages addressed to Kosovo Albanians from Tirana. Kadare has been stating similar views continuously in the past two years. But, repeated within the framework of a specific concept, his stances this time acquired a special topical political weight. Kadare has uttered very sharp criticism on account of Rugova's monopoly and political passivity. He assessed that the resistance to the totalitarian regime offered in Belgrade and other towns of Serbia deserves support of everyone, Kosovo Albanians inclusive, who should by far be more interested than the others. Along the line of editorials on the Albanian RTV, the great writer, probably the greatest living authority among the Albanians, called Kosovo Albanians to offer resistance in a cultured manner to oppression exerted by the last Stalinist dictatorship in Europe.

The current inter-Albanian political splits cannot be understood without the latest decision of Adem Demaqi to take an active part in party activities and directly get involved in "drowsy" political life of Kosovo Albanians. As he himself said, the Albanian President Sali Berisha himself had encouraged him to make the final decision in this direction. By party alignment, Demaqi sent the greatest challenge ever to Kosovo Albanians and their politicians, especially to the leadership of the Democratic Alliance of Kosovo, in which he has numerous supporters and, after that, he went to Albania again. There he was received by other officials, he had already talked with Berisha, but also met leaders of the main parliamentary and non-parliamentary parties. It is interesting that information on these talks on Albanian RTV were presented in the manner which creates the impression that Demaqi got support from his interlocutors for his policy of peaceful, but active resistance.

A significant element of the current Albanian mosaic is also a petition sent to Rugova, signed by about 550 students of the Albanian parallel university in Pristina. An especially interesting indicator for understanding the "new course in the media" is students' demand for abolishment of censorship in the only daily newspaper in Albanian language, Bujku, but also in the Centre for Information of Kosovo and the Satellite Program of Albanian Radio-Television. However, all fundamental and practical questions of organization and activities of the Albanian movement were also raised in the Petition. Among other, students demanded that school buildings be seized, that parliament of the republic of Kosovo be constituted, and that Adem Demaqi be enabled to become its member. If this body failed to be constituted, all deputies should submit resignations, publicly apologize to the people for having, intentionally or not, deceived them - a group of students demands. Former political prisoners were especially called to "wake up from dreaming" and it was demanded that "policy of castes and political feudalization of Kosovo" be interrupted.

Apart from the narrow context of the developments in the Balkans, current inter-Albanian splits probably have a broader international context. However, there are still no specific elements for any firm conclusions about it. Possible presumptions in this sense, how ever interesting they may be, due to significance of the developments, would at this moment appear as irresponsible speculations. At the moment, the only thing that is certain is that official America is encouraging Kosovo Albanians "to join efforts for promotion of democratic changes everywhere in Serbia".

The developments so far do not offer many elements for drawing conclusions, not even when speaking of inter-Albanian causes. Efforts of Kosovo Albanians to move their movement from a standstill after several years of lethargy is quite understandable. It is also reasonable to insist on support to the civil resistance movement headed by a part of the Serbian opposition. However, the question posed at this point is - can Kosovo Albanians be moved and would they accept risks just in order to offer support to the Serbian movement for democracy headed by political parties which have until just recently accused Milosevic for insufficiently sharp measures against the Albanians, and even for making concessions to them? Has the until recently extremely reserved Albania suddenly deprived the passive wait-and-see policy of its support, demanding activation, primarily in order to support the anti-regime Serbian movement for the sake of getting someting for the Kosovo Albanians as a consequence? Is there any other reason for the sake of which Albania is urging Kosovo Albanians to abandon their political passivity? Are there perhaps any tendencies to use the Albanian movement as an instrument and what risks do they bear? To these and numerous similar questions it is difficult to give more specific answers at the moment.

The first semi-official answer of official Pristina to the newly-created situation, was, mildly speaking, politically inappropriate and old-fashioned. The centre of Information of Kosovo which expresses official stances of Rugova's leadership issued a commentary (Bujku, 24.12.'96.) in which the latest criticism of Rugova's policy is linked to "continuous actions of the Serbian regime aimed at breaking down the Albanian movement in Kosovo". It was attempted to achieve this by overthrowing the Democratic Alliance of Kosovo and weakening the position of President Rugova, it is said in the commentary and then concluded:

"This (Serbian) objective seems to be forgotten by individuals and political groups which have for years organized a campaign of fabrications, accusations and blackmailing against the DSK, in Kosovo and diaspora. Independently from wishes, there is a great risk that these campaigns, organized by individuals and groups with patriotic and radical inclinations, be used by subversive programs for destroying and weakening of the Albanian policy in Kosovo which will result in de facto colonial integration of Kosovo into Serbian strctures"...

Fehmi REXHEPI AIM Pristina