RETURN OF HARIS SILAJDZIC

Fighter for Bosnia, or...

AIM Sarajevo, 14 December, 1996

Haris Silajdzic, after almost one year of absence, seems to be returning to the top of the pyramid of power in Bosnia & Herzegovina. By a decision of the Presidency of B&H, together with Boro Bosic, he was nominated co-chairman of the Council of Ministers of B&H, which ought to represent the Government of this state.

Return of Silajdzic to the leadership of somewhat changed Bosnia & Herzegovina was a surprise for many, and there is also quite a few of those who interpreted this as an undesirable choice. Momcilo Krajisnik, member of the Presidency of B&H, indirectly aiming at Silajdzic, accused the SDA that it was pushing hard-core cadre who are not ready to for compromise, into the Council of Ministers. The official Zagreb recognized in him a possibility of exerting new Bosniac pressure on the Croats, without forgetting his accusations because of the flags with the chess field freely hoisted around B&H without any restraint. Silajdzic is also reproached for declarations that those who are in B&H day-dreaming about Croatia and Serbia should go there, but that they cannot take a single lump of Bosnia when they do.

In the Party of Democratic Action this decision was not received with much enthusiasm either, the decision primarily of Alija Izetbegovic, to give preference to Silajdzic instead to the personnel list of his party, since Silajdzic is not its member for almost two years. He cannot be forgiven for founding his own party half a year before the elections, which was at the time the biggest threat to the victory of the SDA. But, after the elections and everything that has happened, there is quite a large number of those who believe just the opposite: that Haris Silajdzic (this refers also to Amila Omersoftic) founded his party in order to indirectly help the Party of Democratic Action. Because if it were not for his party, all those who are dissatisfied with the ruling Bosniac party would have most probably given their votes to the united opposition, just as many women who as it is chose the party of women of Mrs Omersoftic instead of the SDA.

What is it that, despite numerous opponents, launched Haris Silajdzic back into the political orbit? There are many connoisseurs of circumstances within the Bosniac corps who claim that there is no secret, because Silajdzic, even if he did part with the SDA, has never parted with Alija Izetbegovic. Or more precisely, he has never parted with the idea of united and sovereign Bosnia & Herzegovina.

On the other hand, even if he wanted to avoid Silajdzic, inside the SDA Izetbegovic did not have such a strong player. Dr Hasan Muratovic, the last prime minister of B&H, for the ten months of his mandate, turned the public of B&H against himself, but also the world, especially politicians of the USA. And without assistance of America, and Izetbegovic knows that too well, united Bosnia & Herzegovina can hardly be possible. The other strong player of the SDA, Ejup Ganic, has behind him the equally unsuccessful three-year mandate of the Vice-President of the Federation. His performance is, among other, illustrated by incessant banishments of Bosniacs from western Mostar. He simply had no political effrontery to parry the arrogant Kresimir Zubak. Edhem Bicakcic, vice-president of the SDA is Izetbegovic's man of confidence and a person which holds all the strings inside the SDA. However, his influence outside the party is minor, and in relation to Silajdzic, he lacks authority and eloquence.

But, contrary to all listed prominent members of the SDA, Silajdzic has something which might be a headache for Izetbegovic. It is his capricious nature and his readiness to manifest open disobedience. He does not like to have anyone equal to him around.

In fact, in Bosnia & Herzegovina, counting not only Bosniac politicians, at the moment there is not a single more controversial person. He enjoys unconcealed inclination of the public, but despite that, Izetbegovic defeated him in the election race for member of the Presidency of B&H. This was the best indicator to Silajdzic that time had not come yet when he could threaten Izetbegovic's charisma of the Bosniac leader. Probably that is why he was the first to congratulate Izetbegovic on his electoral victory. It is interesting, he was the only Bosniac politician outside the SDA who had the opportunity to do it in person.

By returning under the umbrella of Izetbegovic, Silajdzic has, without doubt lost the secret support of the other opposition parties, and possibly also of a part of the public which had recognized in him a chance to end predominance of the SDA. But, in return he got the post of the co-chairman. Although unpredictable, and even a man who is fond of power, it is difficult to believe that he has done it only because of the post of the co-chairman, especially because, such as it is, it will not make him very influential. It is much closer to the truth that he has done it for the sake of conviction that it was high time for him to join in the struggle for integral B&H by offering significant support to Izetbegovic in his battle within the Presidency of B&H, in opposition to Bosic, and the vice-co-chairman of the Council of Ministers, Neven Tomic.

However, in the background is the unconcealed repulsion with which his return was welcomed by the leaders of the Serbs and the Croats in B&H, and probably Belgrade and Zagreb. They could not have got a harder and more persistent opponent. Silajdzic deserves much of the merit for the high rating of Bosnia and the Bosniacs in the world, especially in the first years of the war, when as a minister of foreign affairs he was openly accusing Serbia and Croatia for aggression. In Dayton, he was the major rival to Slobodan Milosevic who forced him to leave Sarajevo to the Federation. All these years he was the most significant lever in the mechanism of power constructed by Izetbegovic in Sarajevo.

But not only politicians of Serb and Croat nationality will be the obstacle to Silajdzic. Although unanimous support is being offered to him at the moment, spokes will be put in his wheels from within the SDA as well. It should not be forgotten that he is the only opposition leader who has felt on his own back the wrath of supporters of the SDA in Cazin last summer. Because of him, last summer Mohammedan pilgrims in B&H were warned that their pilgrimage would not be recognized if they voted for Silajdzic, although his father is an imam and although he had come to the SDA as the head of the office of the then reis hadji Jakub Effendi Selimovski. Infidelity to the SDA which he dared show has not been forgotten. In the Army of B&H, a letter once circled in which his disassociation from the SDA was interpreted as great threat to stability of defence of B&H.

When he made his split with the SDA known, but also with the authorities, after refusal of the mandate to compose the Government of the Republic of B&H in the beginning of this year, he explained it by too low competences which were given to him because of which reintegration of B&H was endangered. The Council of Ministers will especially not give him great competences and it will be interesting to watch in what way he will in the new role attempt to achieve the integral state. Besides, he used to say also that he was "fed up with everyone's and all kinds of force", advocating increased democratization of B&H. Will he be able to achieve at least that much through the political system cut out for B&H in Dayton?

The strongest trump card he is going to take the post of the co-chairman with will obviously be his still strong connections with Washington and other representatives of the international community. His advantage could also be that he is one of the rare politicians in B&H who has never put on a soldier's uniform. This could be a good enough reason for greater appreciation for him among the Serbs and the Croats. Of course, if they manage to forget his unbending advocating of a strong B&H. And this, at least for the time being, Silajdzic has no intention to give up.

SEJAD LUCKIN