MONTENEGRIN AUTHORITIES AND EVENTS IN SERBIA

Washing Hands

The position of the Democratic Party of Socialists (DPS) is becoming very complicated by the developments in Serbia: it is possible that weakening of the Serbian President would reinforce the Montenegrin aurthorities, but it is also quite realistic that possible Milosevic's collapse will simply sweep away his consistent followers in Montenegro from power. Due to this unpredictable seesaw, the Montenegrin authorities chose the tactics of cautious statements - gradually informing their citizens and closely following and waiting for the denouement in Belgrade.

AIM Podgorica, 8 December, 1996

Ten days of massive protests in Belgrade and other cities of Serbia passed before the Montenegrin television finally condescended to offer to its spectators information about the events which are powerfully shaking the brotherly Republic. On Saturday, 29 November, on the day of the "holiday", TV Montenegro for the first time broadcast detailed reports of the CNN, accompanied by comments of domestic independent agencies on demonstrations and students' protests in Belgrade. That is how the citizens of Montenegro unexpectedly saw the picture of demonstrators who "communicated" with the police with flowers. This picture was quite different from previous biassed Tanjug information in which the demonstrators were presented as a violent, terrorist mob which "wishes to overthrow by force the democratic authorities in Serbia elected by the people".

Just a few days before that, efforts of the Montenegrin opposition to make the leaders of the DPS state their stance concerning developments in Serbia seemed quite futile. "Montenegrin authorities are the only allies of Milosevic's regime. We call Momir Bulatovic to finally state whether the Democratic Party of Socialists supports democracy on squares of Serbia or whether it has decided to be the only one in the whole world to align itself under Milosevic's dictator's umbrella", thundered leaders of the coalition National Harmony at rallies of support to the Seerbian opposition.

The initial reactions of the leaders of the Democratic Party of Socialists were not too surprising for anybody - power supply was cut off in front of the Montenegrin parliament building when the opposition tried to organize a rally there, and a gathering of the supporters of the coalition National Harmony, by means of the customary method of censorship scissors, was given the usual treatment of a caricature on state television. At the press conference held on the day after the opposition rally, leaders of coalition National Harmony, Slavko Perovic and Novak Kilibarda, were threatened by court/police persecution again. Not a single word was uttered concerning the developments in Serbia - as if it were an exotic far away country.

In those few days, the Montenegrin authorities had reason to secretly gloat: loss of power in large Serbian cities meant considerable weakening of the power of the Serbia's President, and at the same time strenghtening of the position of the Montenegrin authorities in their own back yard. Sources close to the top of the DPS say that, after publication of the unofficial results of the second round of the local elections, in the building of the Government of Montenegro, there was joyful cheering to "sovereign DPS in FRY".

However, events in Belgrade started to assume the outlines of a rebellion of the people. Although in the beginning there were no official information in state-controlled media, it is obvious that the top echelons of the Democratic Party of Socialists are minutely informed that the situation in Serbia is becioming complicated and that it will not subside in two or three days as the police sources at first assessed. To make things even more difficult, the State Departmnt, along with other governments in the West, started with an unsparing criticism of the decision of the Socialist Party to Serbia to proclaim the elections null and void. Even the lulled to sleep Montenegrin students started to awaken: full support to Belgrade colleagues was at first expressed by the students of the Faculty of Philosophy from Niksic, and then students of the Natural Sciences Faculty and other technical faculties in Podgorica joined them.

That which followed was practically forced out: finally someone from the top of the Democratic Party of Socialists issued a statement about the events in Serbia. The difficult task was assumed by Svetozar Marovic, Chairman of the Montenegrin parliament and, what is even more important for the occasion, Vice-President of the Democratic party of Socialists. "I believe that a democratic solution will be found in Serbia in overcoming the current situation and that that which is the will of the people - without any administrative interventions - will be the foundation of local, republican and federal authorities", stressed Marovic, hinting at participation of "independent" courts in Serbia in invalidation of the election results.

The second part of Marovic's statement testifies about uneasiness of the position of the DPS and a wish to disassociate themselves from the Serbian Socialists whose rule has been profoundly shaken. "We in Montenegro believe in honest and democratic elections and believe that only such authorities are entitled to legitimately lead a municipality, republic or the Federation", Marovic hurried to demonstrate the blesings of Montenegrin democracy.

Dr Milan Popovic, professor of Law school in Podgorica

• one of the few University professors who from the very beginning expressed support to demands of the Serbian students and professors and civic opposition - believes that the wish of Montenegrin leaders to disassociate themselves from Milosevic's Court is now evident. "It cannot be denied that the Montenegrin authorities have tried, that they are still trying now, to at least appear more democratic, different from Milosevic's regime", says Dr Popovic, mentioning that the latest statement of Svetozar Marovic is headed in that direction.

The issue at stake is - and that undoubtedly worries the Democratic Party of Socialists - would possible Milosevic's collapse, by logic of connected vessels, dramatically threaten the position of his political allies in Montenegro? "Even under the assumption that the efforts of Montenegrin authorities to disassociate themselv es from Milosevic is quite sincere, which I doubt, the fact cannot be denied - that Montenegrin authorities are the main accomplice of the regime of Slobodan Milosevic in committing the magnum crimen - the big crime in the Balkans after the cold war. If that intention to be different had been really sincere - then probably one could speak about some kind of a tragic dimension of Montenegrin authorites", Dr Popovic concludes.

Unpleasant expectations, with a pinch of concealed fear, lie ahead for the leaders of the Democratic Party of Socialists. By marching consistently during all these years after Milosevic they have tied their destiny to the political future of the Serbian leader. Montenegrin Socialists, if only they could, would gladly simultaneously support demands of the Serbian opposition, and also survival of Milosevic's regime. If they manage to accomplish that, if they succeed in washing their hands, their political skill will really deserve admiration.

Drasko DJURANOVIC (AIM, Podgorica)