MEDIA IN KOSOVO

AIM Pristina, December 1, 1996

After the agreement on normalization of education in Albanian language, reached by the two presidents, the Serbian Milosevic and the ethnic Albanian Rugova, new moves in other spheres of life in Kosovo are awaited with the greatest possible attention (even if, for the beginning, just on paper). As one of the most important ones, the issue of information in Albaian language is imposing itself. Although about 20 journals and magazines of various profiles are puiblished in Kosovo, the Albanians can still just dream about getting their own radio or tv station. Over one thousand journalists and other workers once employed at the local Radio-Television Pristina, who were sacked from their jobs in just one day because they did not agree with the editorial policy of Milosevic's Ministry of Information which did not allow in the end of eighties and the beginning of the nineties presentation of everyday events in Kosovo to the Albanian and the world public, in other words, events which were contrary to the stances of at the time still integral Yugoslav state, are waiting for almost six years for their "five minutes", that is, to return to their profession.

Although the federal minister for human rights of the minorities and ethnic groups, Margit Savovic, who visited Kosovo on the occasion of the anniversary of Dushan's Code together with Patriarch Pavle and other personalities from the Serbian political scene (as reliable sources claim, it was "ordered" not to cover this event by the state-controlled television), declared that everybody who wished could apply for opening a privately-owned radio station or TV channel to relevant authorities and that all that was needed for that was orderly documentation, it is well known that for some time (some of them for years) almost 20 applications submitted by Kosovo Albanians are somewhere in the drawers of "the relevant authorities". Although since 1990, as it seems until recently, it was a taboo to even think about the possibility of opening any private radio or tv station (regardless of whether interested parties were the Albanians or the Serbs), for a few months already in Pristina, two privately-owned radio sttaions are broadcasting their programs in Serbo-Croat. Another one is expected to start broadcasting an experimental program in Djakovica, and for some time now, it has been possible to watch the TV Program owned by Karic Brothers. In view of the "structure" of the owners of these radio stations and tv channels, it seems that a special criteria for issuing permits for operation is at work. Some people mark it as "discrimination against Kosovo Albanians with unambiguous political motives".

But, despite all difficulties in the sphere of information, in the past six years in Kosovo, certain moves towards increase of professionalism in the Albanian journalism have been made. On the Serb side, not much can be said on positive trends neither in printed nor in electronic media, despite much better conditions. Everything that exists in the sphere of the media in Kosovo that is in Serbo-Croat is close to the ruling party. Those who do not share this opinion, because of the degrading posts they are usually transferred to, are forced to leave the editorial staffs.

On the other hand, that which is evident even to every layman concerning the press in Albanian, is a uniformity in dailies which is expressed in exceptional loyalty to daily and politics in general which is domineering in the Albanian political life, and equally expressed pluralism in weekly political press in which, that is, in one of its parts, criteria of topicality, significance and comparative unbiasness in presenting events and processes. Zeri and Koha are the most prominent among the latter. Of course, there are also very narrowly oriented magazines.

In the past five or six years, the political weekly ORA is pushing its way up, which is believed to be the party paper of the Democratic Alliance of Kosovo (DSK). Views and opinions of the momentary, predominating political situation are extremely stressed on its pages, symbolized by the President of the DSK Ibrahim Rugova, although, as it seems, there is no unison about it within the DSK. For three to four years, political magazine Fljalja Jone is seeking its place among the reading public. Although from the very first issue (it is published irregularly), its proclaimed ambition has been cherishing the so-called "patriotic journalism", in Pristina rumours cannot seem to die down that somebody else is its owner - most frequently speculations mention the Yugoslav United Left (JUL):

As much as the Albanian public can be satisfied with the choice of weekly politicl press, it can be dissatisfied with the daily media. The circulation of weeklies is comparatively small, and they cannot compete with dailies in creation of the public opinion. However, the Albanians have no choice concerning it. What exists is linked to the state-creative trend of the DSK, that is, the political current which is at this moment giving the tone to the political life of the Albanians. The other current, or perhaps currents within or withot the DSK, cannot come to the surface, and even if they do, because of significance of an event or a personality, they seem to be disturbing a positive, well-established order of things. It is therefore, understandable that they can neither initiate nor impose any discussion on problems and difficulties which the Albanian movement is faced with for quite some time, although these other trends are neither less state-building nor less legitimate. So this is obviously either an interior rivalry and competition of ideas within the same platform or just pure struggle for power. All things considered there are elements of both present here.

The question of open media and their professional work and their attitude to current politics has been hovering in the air in Kosovo a long time already. But, both the journalists and the politicians avoided to face the essence of the problem. It seems that the time of silence has passed. The politicians were the first to assess that a discussion on the media was necessary and that it could not be delayed any more. This is how Dzemail Mustafa, Ibrahim Rugova's advisor for the press explains this in a statement for Zeri: "A discussion on media in Albanian in Kosovo, as well as of their results, swaying in moral integrity of journalists has nowadays become topical and urgent.

The fact that... they operate in conditions of repression and occupation makes them responsible, primarily in relation to the idea of and the will for freedom and liberation, and measure of their operation is a contribution they have given to effectuation of this idea. Judging by this criterion which is not professional, but morally, ethically and politically unavoidable for our conditions, it may strongly be underlined that the assistance of Albanian media is big and highly sensitive.

But, Kosovo media are faced with a series of professional and moral weaknesses... As the result of pressures from without (media), but also occasional indecision in the porfessional and moral integrity of journalists, there are cases when journalists and newspapers are turned into platforms of political disagreements and confrontations, misunderstandings and speculations, public intolerance and destructive discourse...(they should not become) platforms of intolerance... and as sometimes they naively incline towards the quasi-centre of political decision-making ... Of all classifications (of the media), the most harmful and most undesirable one would be the division into those in favour and those against independence of Kosovo".

In the same issue of this weekly, President of the Parliamentary Committee for Information, Mehmet Hajrizi says: "Normative emptiness in the sphere of information leaves the possibility for numerous and grievous abuses... The value of each media is assessed with precision, objectivity and speed of informing, defence of truth and services it is renderning at the moment to the cause of freedom, independence and democracy in Kosovo... Each tendency towards 'gaining independence' from independent Kosovo is not freedom of the press but degradation to the level of yellow press. Independence is and ought to be the supreme law of our behavior and relations not only in the sphere of information... Only in this way, media are preserving independence, not to become an instrument in the hand of some political smugglers".

At the initiative of the Kosovo Parliamentary Committee for Information, recently the DSK had talks with representatives of Albanian media. The topic: possibility of drafting a decree which would regulate relations between media and the Albanian authorities in Kosovo. Although, as it was possible to learn, issues discussed in this article were not put on the agenda, the talks were an immediate cause of a surprisingly sharp discussion on the issue of the level of information offered to the Albanian public, but also quality of policy pursued at present by Kosovo Albanians. Weeklies Zeri and Koha interpreted these talks, or as participants would say Discussion on Drafting and Adoption of the Law on Information, as an attempt to introduce order in the sphere of the media by those in power. The talks were assessed in Koha as an attempt of substitution: instead to talk about the failure to achieve independence of Kosovo, a debate on independence of media is being offered. The very attempt to make a decree about anything, and especially in the media, was assessed by Zeri as a bad sign for the future. The talks were considered by the two weeklies as an initial attempt to discipline media which could at the present situation refer mostly to them. To various imputations, Koha replied with an analysis of the contents of the major daily information offered to Kosovo Albanians. In a comprehensive text, monopolism and manipulations as an intentional political program are discussed, as well as totalitarianism without a state, censorship and carrying of re-shaped information on events, and even unexisting events.

The current sharp skirmishing about media is occurring in the complex context of political stagnation and serious rivalry among the Albanians which has not been clearly outlined yet. There are a lot of interests and influences, so in the general politization of life in Kosovo, the conflict concerning media will probably also move in the same direction.

Fehmi Redzepi AIM Pristina