WHO IS SUPPORTED BY WHOM?

Albanian Political Parties and Elections

AIM Pristina, 4 November, 1996

Five years ago, eleven political parties gathered in a Coordinating Committee of Albanian Political Parties in Yugoslavia, adopted a document known to the public as the "Document on Three Options". This political document could be said to be still topical, both concerning its projections of Albanian political actions, but also in projections of relevant international agencies. At the time of its adoption by the Albanian political parties which were at the time on the political scene in regions of former Yugoslavia populated by the Albanians, Yugoslav crisis turned in the direction which will lead to war as its epilogue. On 2 October 1991, the battle for Dubrovnik was fought between the Croatian and Serbian-Montenegrin military forces. A day later, four-member rump Presidency of the SFRY started working in "war conditions", usurping competences of the federal parliament. On 8 October, the assembly of Croatia reached the decision on independence of this republic. On 10 October, the attempt to concene a session of the federal assembly failed. In view of all these developments, as it was said at the time, "the Albanian political subjects created an alternative for articulation of political will of the Albanians through institutions and by peaceful political means. Constitutional declaration adopted on 2 July 1990, the Constitution dated 7 September that same year and Referendum in Kosovo as the independent and sovereign state which was organized between 26 and 30 September 1991, created a legal constitutional framework of a new state in the Balkans", designers of this declaration claim. On the Albanian political scene there were three different options which needed a clear form of political articulation. All three options of the political Declaration were linked to further developments which followed in the space of former Yugoslavia.

The first option was republic of Kosovo and status of a state-building nation for the Albanians in Macedonia, Montenegro and Serbia, in conditions of unchanged external and internal borders of former Yugoslavia. The second option was also connected with unchanged outer borders, but changed internal ones, since it included creation of the Albanian republic within Yugoslavia. The third option, in case of changing outer borbers of Yugoslavia, announced general declaration of will in a plebiscite for union of Albanian territories in former Yugoslavia with Albania, "in order to create an integral Albanian state in the Balkans with its ethnic borders", as stated in this document.

Five years after adoption of the Political Declaration, observers say, it is clear that none of the signatories has stuck to any of its items. They adopted certain policies depending on created circumstances, which is still happening. One of the connoisseurs of Kosovo political scene, Milazim Krasniqi, stresses that "fragmentation of political activities is a characteristic of acting in a period which followed signing of the Political Declaration. Although outer borders of former Yugoslavia have changed, the demand for general declaration of will by plebiscite has not been repeated". Analysts stress that "moreover, Albania has recognized Macedonia as an independent state; Albanians in Macedonia have declared themselves in favour of independence of this former Yugoslav republic (but without giving up the demand to be a state-creating, constituent nation), the Albanians in Presevo, Bujanovac and Medvedja, as well as those in Montenegro have participated in the elections in their respective republics and won local power. Kosovo has created a parallel system of institutions and continues with the efforts to win independence in a peaceful way with certain modifications in formulation of the question at the Referendum in September 1991".

During all these five years, the Albanians who lived in former Yugoslavia have not effectuated a single objective proclaimed in the Political Declaration which remains the high point of joint articulation of their political and national aspiration. Critics of current Albanian leadership underline that although developments fulfilled the criterion needed to activate the third option of Albanian demands, they have remained on the level of the first option. This contradiction between proclamations and actions seems to be imposed by the relation of forces, but also by political moves of the international community. Certain political groups warn that "the Albanian issue was put on ice while the conflict lasts and until peace is established among south Slavs in the northern part of the region, to be reopened in normal conditions with realistic chances for peaceful solution".

However, the Albanian issue greatly depends on the Albanians themselves, who have during all these years experienced great shocks. Anniversary of the Political Declaration on three options coincides with the period in which in this part of the Balkans various parliamentary and local elections are taking place in which the Albanians play a very important role. At the same time, these elections, as well as those for local authorities in Albania, the forthcoming ones in Macedonia, and parliamentary and local elections in Yugoslavia, are reflected in relations among the Albanian political forces. This is especially expressed in relations between Tirana, Tetovo and Pristina, cities which are considered to be Albanian political centres.

Ever since the fall of the dictatorship in Albania, Pristina has been supporting the ruling Democratic Party of Sali Berisha, but this support has become more sophisticated after the fiasco of Berisha's constitution. Therefore, for instance, to a question who should win local elections in Albania, renowned Albanian activist Adem Demaqi declares that he does not "wish directly to speak in favour of any political power, because he had acted rashly once already - in case of the Constitution". During the past elections in Albania in May, and then those in October, in the election campaign of the ruling Democratic Party, it was observed that there were no euphoric arrivals of leaders from Kosovo and various forms of support offered by Kosovo Albanians. It is assumed that immeasurable "kindness" and "life-long" gratitude of Kosovo Albanians is less evident because of the radical change in the attitude of the Government and even President Berisha himself concerning the status of Kosovo. As long as he openly advocated Kosovo as an independent state in international contacts and institutions (it was even proclaimed as such in the Albanian parliament), political circles in Kosovo were more than satisfied. When his public opinion changed, when he declared that Kosovo should remain within Yugoslavia, affinities towards the ruling party in Albania have greatly diminished. Nevertheless, as fits political rhetoric, leaders of Kosovo Albanians, Dr Ibrahim Rugova, congratulated Sali Berisha on the victory in local elections expressing his conviction that "these elections have passed in a tolerant atmosphere." Rugova also added: "We have saluted all the parties which won there, primarily the Democratic Party and the others, because it is a step in the direction of consolidation of democratic system and life in Albania". Political parties in Kosovo do not have a close cooperation with political parties in Albania despite individual efforts. The Democratic Alliance of Kosovo, apart from the Democratic Party, started establishing contacts with other political parties very late, and there were also sparks in relations with the Socialist Party. On the other hand, the Albanian Christian Democratic Party of Kosovo established a Union with the corresponding party in Albania. However, this Union, or as they hypocoristically called it the "Albanian CDU", for the time being remained only on paper, since after the first Congress, problems appeared which have not been overcome yet. The Party of National Unity of Kosovo (UNIKOMB) also experienced total split with its counterpart in Albania. Even if there had been any symbolic affinities in the past elections for other parties or coalitions, it could not be felt in Kosovo. The number one favourite was the Democratic Party as a symbol of something new in Albania and of its democratization.

As concerning the elections in Macedonia, the Albanian political leaders of Kosovo, although they declare themselves in favour of "coordination of Albanian political forces over there", expressed support to the Party of Democratic Prosperity of the Albanians in Macedonia led by Arben Xhaferi. This support did not pass uncriticized by certain circles in Kosovo, which reminded that the Party of Democratic Prosperity led by Aliti was the one which promised stability. After all, many remember that the party of Arben Xhaferi came to the surface in the past elections in Macedonia when it was supported for a time by the Democratic Party of Albania. Nowadays, probably feeling that this party was not strong enough and that it offered less realistic prospects than before, Berisha himself became indifferent to it in his election campaign.

At this moment in Pristina, an effort is observed to conceal as much as possible any open support for any party in Macedonia, although the election campaign of Albanian political parties is critically observed. Parliamentary Party of Kosovo and the one of National Unity have several times appealed to Albanian deputies and ministers to boycott the authorities in Macedonia until the Albanian issue in this Republic of former Yugoslavia is resolved, and local media devote more attention to the politicians over there who do not participate in the authorities.

Pristina plays a special role in political developments in Albanian regions in Montenegro, Presevo, Bujanovac and Medvedja. In this space, the Albanians have participated in the elections so far. In Presevo, Bujanovac and Medvedja, municipalities called by the Albanian public "Eastern Kosovo", there are three Albanian parties: The Party for Democratic Action, the Albanian Democratic Party and the Parliamentary Party. All the three parties enjoy support of Pristina depending on closeness of relations established with Albanian parties in Kosovo. The Party for Democratic Action enjoys support of the Democratic Alliance of Kosovo, and the Parliamentary Party is supported by the identical party from Pristina which has "played the decisive role in creation of this party", as assessed here. The fact is that rumours say that the Parliamentary Party with the seat in Presevo "was created as a faction of the Party for Democratic Action and that it caused a split among the local voters", while among the observers here it just deepened the conviction about the lack of coordinated action and political stances of parties which formed the Coordinating Committee of Albanian Political Parties on the territory of former Yugoslavia.

The situation in Montenegro is almost identical, where the Democratic Alliance of the Albanians in this Republic enjoys relative support of Pristina. The leader of Kosovo Albanians, Ibrahim Rugova, on the eve of elections on 3 November, declared: "We have also talked with parties which act over there and they agreed to organize themselvese and reach a consensus in order to ensure a place for themselves both in the partliament of Montenegro and the local authorities, and we hope that this will happen". Be that as it may, the Albanian political parties on the eve of the current elections in the space where they live continue to support and criticize each other, while, as daily BUJKU writes, "they use various statements mostly for the purposes of political marketing"...

Besim ABAZI