AFTER THE AGREEMENT, AND JUST BEFORE NEGOTIATIONS

Pristina Oct 21, 1996

AIM Pristina, October 10, 1996

The agreement signed by Mr. Slobodan Milosevic and Mr. Ibrahim Rugova, on the return of the Albanian children to schools, was as usually imposed in this space, and welcomed with routine support and vocabulary customary for the occasions, when what has just been hinted at is celebrated as if accomplished, although it was not even initiated, due to which only parts are drawn out and underlined from this agreement which may mean something, but are not the major issues in it: its significance for the civilization and its humanitarian nature. The puzzle is, as always, political: does this agreement mean return of the Albanian children only to classrooms or it also implies their involvement in the political life of Serbia they had boycotted until now, in other words, ignored as completely unsuitable for their political intentions. The answer is, at least this time, negative: "Any form of integration into the education system of Serbia is completely out of the question" (rector of the parallel university of Kosovo, Ejup Statovci), which means - or might mean - that this agreement resolves only a single problem, but still does not announce negotiations about other, much more serious issues, in relation to which this, schooling issue, is mostly a technical job.

The least is known what ordinary people think or intend to do about this haze, because they are informed only by one side - the one which owns the information, and which imposes one, and conceals the other, when and how it sees fit, but does both noting that what it says is the opinion of the people, which is confirmed by plebiscitary support or unanimous acclamations. That is why every contemplation about public opinion in Kosovo, in this case the Serb, is accompanied by a large risk - because it need not be true, but is more probable than the official one, which is usually either incomplete or very vague, due to which it may mean a lot, but also absolutely nothing.

Due to the fact that for years they were deceived by the tale that nothing would change in this territory, that everything would remain as it is, the Serb people are taken aback by this agreement, because the same thing was constantly repeated to them: that the Albanian pupils could go to school, but did not wish to, being manipulated by politics whose motives were to their disadvantage, but were also of no use to the Albanian people who, due to the boycott they were persisting in, did not exercise rights established according to international standards, and some even according to higher standards (as federal minister for human rights and minority rights, Mrs. Margit Savovic likes to say), although it is obvious even to a politically unskilled observer that these rights are not arranged in the way which would satisfy both parties, nor the world which is highly sensitive concerning this issue. That is why this agreement was welcomed as an announcement of a better future, but due to its unexpectedness tends to turn into confusion which is just a step away from restraint, as the effect of this shift of politics made overnight, which practically until yesterday stubbornly insisted on stiff behavior and incoherent actions, without making concessions even in cases where it would cost a little or nothing.

Because of this not obvious, but for a long time already present suspicion that decisions are make somewhere else, the few Serbs who are still left in Kosovo, are gripped by suppressed but not hushed up anxiety for the future, additionally confused by individuals who have until yesterday said one thing, and nowadays advise something else. This is the case, for example, with the political gatherings with the old iconography but without the former approval. That is why they are silent, just listening, but looking round all the time, and the little they say, they do it in bleak language. Because they are being talked to a lot, but actually told very little, these people are uneasy in their actions, and know not what to do: to move or to stay. The order of actions will be the following: the first to go will be the politicians who have already managed to or will easily find a home for themselves and their families in towns of Serbia, as illustrated by increased sales of housing units which local high officials set an example in. Then the newly fledged patriots and believers will follow, and hand in hand with them, "businessmen" who have become rich overnight. Then, hesitating a little, those who can go somewhere (because they have something) will start on their way, which means that only those who have nothing and therefore have nowhere to go will remain.

This means that time has come when accounts must be rendered for years spent in futile story-telling that the Serb nation can go on without the others, without the whole world, and even against everybody else: Noone like us! Due to this lack of wisdom, the Serb nation is now lonely like it has never been before, and this one in Kosovo, separated from the Albanians like it has never in history been. To at least slightly fill this gap will be neither easy nor quick: the wounds will heal somehow, but the scars will last. In any case, they will be unpleasant, which is quite certain with these generations educated as they are: they have been lost for almost all possibilities of coexistence, in which they will at least not make life bitter to each other. The account for this wrong policy and its unwise actions will of course have to be paid by those who are the least guilty, but not completely faultless, by this here Serb people because it naively or in some other way - it is all the same, agreed to have its destiny shaped by fixers of all kinds, instead of minding its own business. It did not have to seek an example for it around the world, because one was there all the time in the neighbourhood.

Milenko KARAN AIM Pristina