THREATENING RIOTS

Workers' Strikes in Serbia

AIM Belgrade, September 21, 1996

"I myself don't know how I have fed my family in the past several years. I haven't received a single dinar from IMT in the past six months, and I have two sons. They have neither tennis shoes nor shoes..." This is how one of the three thousand workers (he did not wish to give his name, because, he says, the manager threatenes him) of the New Belgrade Industry of Engines and Tractors, during one of the morning gatherings, explained AIM reporter reasons why employees of this enterprise went on strike.

Within the grounds of the factory, leaders of the independent trade union of metal workers 'Solidarnost', who are on a hunger strike for several days now, gather workers (who went on strike as a sign of solidarity), to inform them about the course of negotiations with the manager. In the morning rain, to workers of IMT on strike, Nebojsa Lazarevic, showing signs of fatigue from several days without food and sleep, read a letter he had written to his son during the night. Explaining reasons for his hunger strike in the letter, Lazarevic asked his colleagues in the end: "Have you bought textbooks for your children, have you bought school equipment for them, will you be able to pay for their annual excursions? Have you any money for their lunch?" Silence followed instead of an answer.

Fragmentized Discontent

When last spring, more than twenty thousand workers of five enterprises in Nis (this city was marked by many as the stronghold of the ruling socialists, Slobodan Milosevic used to begin his elections campaigns in it) demonstrated for several days demanding salaries and starting of the production process, forecasts of experts, independent trade unioms and opposition parties were - in the autumn there would be social unrest. Autumn has come, and with it - tumultous, but dispersed, workers' protests.

For a month already, workers of the Special Purpose Production in Kragujevac demand their rights demonstrating in front of the municipal Assembly building. Metal workers of the united branch trade union 'Nezavisnost' (Independence) last week announced the beginning of a general strike 'in several phases'. Employees of Nis Electronic Industries and engine industries, repeated their spring demands. Teachers call for unity in the announced rebellion. In Zemun enterprises 'Teleoptik' and 'Zmaj', workers are protesting without any signs that anyone will answer their demands. Workers of Rakovica Engine Industries are also 'stirring' and promising to block the railway between Belgrade and Bar. New Belgrade IMT has not worked for the past week. Demands of all the workers can be brought down to the same thing - salaries, right to work, social program outside the enterprise. And they are all addressed to a single address: Government of the Republic of Serbia.

Apart from sporadic statements, the authorties appear quite disinterested. Only the unofficial information published in Dnevni telegraf stands out, since it says that President of Serbia, Slobodan Milosevic, talked with the head of the socialists in Kragujevac, Slavica Djukic, and "seriously criticised her for things which have gone too far in Kragujevac".

During a visit to Kragujevac, just a day or two before the strike of Special Purpose Industries had begun, leaders of the unrest of armourers, Zoran Nedeljkovic and Dragutin Stanojlovic (just members of the Independent Trade Union at the time) explained to the AIM reporter how they survived: employees of the car factory 'Zastava' were in the 'best position' because they had been forced to go on forced leave two years ago, so they had occupied all the best smugglers' posts in the city.

According to the words of the men from Kragujevac, there is no fear any more od possible sanctions workers could suffer for protesting. The weapons factory has done what it was expected to do during the war, and now nobody needs it any more. There is no hope of spreading of workers' unrest out of solidarity either, because they say the central trade union in Belgrade is bribed and doing its best to keep the strikes within factory grounds.

What are Trade Unions Doing

At this moment there is absolutely no signs that anyone would be able to direct and articulate the fragmentized energy of workers' unrest. Immaturity of trade union movement in Serbia, blockade of the media, unskillful opposition - all that prevents discontent from spilling out of factory grounds. For example, the protest of IMT workers is headed by independent trade union of metal workers 'Solidarnost'. Only two days after the beginning of this protest, workers of the same branch, but members of the United Branch Trade Unions 'Nezavisnost', led by Branislav Canak, started on a general strike without even having contacted IMT. President of the Trade Union of Metal workers 'Nezavisnost', Milan Nikolic, explains it awkwardly: 'You know, generally speaking we support the IMT, but we don't think hunger strike is a good method and ...'

On the other hand there is the Independent Trade Union and its Belgrade (government) officials. Before starting its strike in several phases, 'Nezavisnost' addressed an appeal to the state-conbtrolled trade union to go on strike together with them. The response was negative. And the explanation: Independent Trade Union signed an agreement with the Chnmber of the Economy and the Government about the price of labour and everything else, so there are no conditions for a general strike.

Consequences of such a situation are either workers' wrath, or fear, or apathy.

An example of the pressure suffered by the rebels and their leaders is the case of the workers of Kragujevac 'Zastava' whose passes were taken away from them because they had joined their colleagues from the weapons factory so that they cannot even enter the factory, or the tested measure - disciplinary procedure.

Miroslav Diklic, a worker of machine industries from Nis which is on strike since a few days ago, claims that workers are threatened wherever they go.

Slobodan Zdravkovic, leader of the independent trade union of railway carriage factory workers from Kraljevo, whom we met at the Voivodina Lottery stand where he works part-time in the afternoon (he has not received his salary since January this year) explains: as the president of the trade union I cannot help. Workers either work but do not get paid, or they are on forced leave and also do not get paid. They smuggle, or moonlight. They are apathetic.

The regime additionally, with its campaign in the media, qualifies each strike as a protest with 'political connotations abused by the opposition'. Just a few days ago, Secretary General of the Socialist Party, Gorica Gajevic, said: 'Social demands of the workers of the Special Purpose Industries of Kragujevac turned into political. The opposition has tried to find a stronghold in discontent of the workers, but has not succeeded...'

The opposition, on the other hand, busy with its own variances, makes statements of support to the strikers (noone publishes them though), and is not capable of directing discontent of the workers (when trade unions are not able to do it).

Are the authorities, nevertheless, frightened of a mass rebellion which could threaten them?

Aleksandra Posarac from the Institute of Economic Sciences explains that the Government in Belgrade "simply is not afraid of the possibility of unrest of great proportions, because it assesses that disunion of workers' organizations prevents coordination of demands on the level of the republic".

"The state-controlled trade union is the partner of the authorities, and the other trade unions which are autochtonous have no power to organize the workers. The state knows it and assess correctly that it can control any workers' revolt. The strike of Belgrade Jugoexport which lasted a whole year is a good example".

At this moment the number of strikes in Serbia is increasing. This does not make the threat of them any more serious. After all, only few readers of independent press know about them.

(AIM) Danica Vucenic

Entrefilet

ON THE VERGE OF HUNGER

Investigations of social circumstances in the country show that more than 40 per cent of urban industrial population is on the verge of hunger. This means that only one member of the average four-member family works and that the income is below 1,000 dinars or 300 German marks. Workers of metal industries are in the worst position. This branch employs 350,000 people. According to data supplied by leaders of independent trade unions more than half of this number did not get paid in the past few months. IMT is a typical example. Workers demand to be paid for the past six months. Average salary per worker of IMT amounts to 250 dinars a month, or, in 'a more understable language', about 70 German marks.

The process of impoverishment has lasted for five years. Why are the workers revolting only now?

Aleksandra Posarac, referring to her own investigation, says:

"Effects of several-year long crisis are felt only now, and there is no hope any more. As a pretext, so far the authorities have used the sanctions, hatred of the international community, super-inflation - which has come out of nowhere. Now it has become obvious that the emperor is naked and that there can be no improvement. People have exhausted all reserves and they are now beginning to protest. Some investigations show that majority of the population are selling household goods, borrowing money from relatives and friends, not paying monthly dues for power supply, water, telephone bills..."

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