NO! (?) TO THE SERBIAN ELECTIONS

Kosovo Albanians will not take part in the elections for the Chamber of Citizens of the Federal Assembly, scheduled for November 3. This is the stance of representatives of the parallel Albanian authorities and all Albanian political parties. In last weeks Ibrahim Rugova, leader of Kosovo Albanians repeatedly pointed out that this stance is a logical result of the fact that the Albanians have already established their institutions of government after the elections four years ago, and that these institutions enjoy the support of over 90 percent of the electorate. On one occasion Rugova said to the press that even if they went to the elections the Albanians had nothing to gain by that.

Some Belgrade political circles and media have raised this question again after the signing of the Agreement on the return of the Albanian pupils, students and teachers to school facilities. They probably proceed from the assumption that there is a possible connection between these two events. The Albanian side responds to this quoting a formulation from the Agreement that this document is above any political discussion, resolutely adding that the return to schools is not conditioned by the elections nor by the consent for some other issue to be raised. Underlying that he was speaking in the name of the Presidency of the Democratic Alliance of Kosovo (DSK), its member Redzep Serdji said that the change of their stance on elections was out of the question.

There is hope that a possible pressure on the part of the international community might make the Albanians appear at the elections. Rugova is not denying that that was also a subject of his discussions with foreign diplomats, but points out that "they know and respect our position, and do not insist on that".

Albanian representatives explain that this is not a boycott, but a continuation of a natural political behaviour of the Albanians during last six years. The circumstances have not changed in the least, and neither have the causes which prevent the Albanians from going to the polls, called by the Serbian authorities. Albanians are rather firm in their position that, irrespective of promises and explanations, voting automatically means the acceptance of the sovereignty of Serbia and Yugoslavia over the Albanians and Kosovo. It is further concluded that it would mean legalization of the regime which brutally persecuted and oppressed the Albanians of Kosovo, particularly in the last ten years, but on the other hand it would mean giving up of all fundamental political aspirations. All the rest that is enumerated on the long "Albanian list" as a reason for abstention can be deduced from these two essential causes. In the column of the weekly "ZERI", Fehmi Agani, Vice-President of the DSK writes: "There is no way elections which legalize the Serbian rule over Kosovo, could be accepted".

In response to arguments that the Albanian cause should be fought for in the Assembly of national representatives, practical examples are given. The Belgrade regime actually waged a war, but was formally not at war, which can be taken as a relevant fact in international efforts aimed at resolving problems in the former Yugoslavia. If it is impossible to force into the open who is responsible for the crusade against one nation in an internationally recognized state, than it could be easily assumed what would the protection of people against a regime of autocratic rule and ruthless manipulation be like. Addressing the problem in this way Tadej Rodiqi, President of the Electoral Commission of the Parallel Albanian Authorities, says: "We can easily see what is the position of the opposition under such a regime. And what would be the position of a possible Albanian opposition if everyone would fall upon it: the authorities, the regime and the opposition? There are some ten opposition parties in Serbia, and according to the number of deputies in the Serbian Assembly they have practically equal power as the authorities, but still, they are forced to resort to boycott of both Parliaments".

Those inclined to further analysis think that even in case of a miracle, the Albanians from Kosovo would not accept the present division of Kosovo into several electoral units. "That breaks the unity of the Albanian electorate and would thereby reduce by almost a half a possible presence of Albanians in the Federal Parliament in relation to what they could get according to the criterion: one deputy to 65 thousand constituents.

Several years ago individual proposals were forwarded in Kosovo concerning possible, more complex forms of struggle for Kosovo's independence. The basic idea was to use all forms of parliamentary struggle to that end. But such ideas were obstructed at the very outset. Burdened by vital problems of survival and fierce Serbian repression, the Albanian public was not in a mood for such ideas nor thoughts about more complex forms of struggle. Then, as well as now, it could have had more serious effect on the demystification of certain forms of populist political action and, understandably, required, as it still does, greater intellectual effort and political inventiveness and resourcefulness. Since then the situation has not changed to the better. Partially because, at least until now, there were no such ideas in the Albanian public.

The attitude and atmosphere of absolute rejection does not have to be expressed towards local elections nor towards possible elections for Kosovo as a whole. The first one to raise this issue is no else then Fehmi Agani - Vice-President of the DSK of Kosovo. In the already mentioned column Agani says that he thinks the absolute rejection of the elections, which legalize the Serbian rule in Kosovo, does not mean that local elections should be ruled out. Despite the obstacles which make the possible going to the polls hopeless, Agani concludes: "Still, a possibility should be considered of using these (local) elections as a form of contesting the Serbian rule, irrespective of how fictitious it might be at the local level".

Albanian representatives are aware that abstention of the Albanians will ensure almost as many deputy places for the ruling Socialists as the Albanians would get if they participated, and that the Albanian boycott is an important stake in the struggle for power in Belgrade. Occasional calls of the ruling Socialists, and even of the opposition circles to the Albanians to come to the elections are interpreted here as tests of and political calculations with the possible benefits from the Albanian abstention. But, as it is pointed out, principles are in question - will Milosevic remain in power or leave is, in the first place, the problem of the Serbs and the Serbian opposition. To question on possible cooperation with the Serbian opposition, general answer is that the opposition is unable to solve some essential problems of its own survival and activity, and that it would behave towards the Albanians, if not worse, then same as Milosevic.

In the last five-six years the Albanians have developed a stance - participating in the elections is out of the question until some form of legal-political status of Kosovo is achieved or at least until some firm guarantees are granted in that respect.

Fehim REXHEPI AIM Pristina