TOUR OF RALLIES

Skopje Jul 25, 1996

Quarrel among Albanian Parties

AIM Skopje, July 18, 1996

That the Albanian political elelment in Macedonian has not been compact as believed is a fact known for quite some time. But, that the parties of ethnic Albanians would split concerning the Tetovo University (TU) in Albanian language is something noone could have expected. However, that is exactly what has happened: in these hot summer days, the Albanians are organizing rallies around Macedonian cities in protest against the decision of the court of appeal in Tetovo to confirm sentences of the Rector of the University and another four activists to imprisonment of three months to a year, passed a long time ago by the District Court in Tetovo for their having "prevented policemen from performing their duties", as the sentence reads. It seems that the sentences and the convicted persons served only as a "cue" to the organizers to express all the revolt against the authorities and the Party of Democratic Prosperity (PDP) headed by Abdurrahman Aliti. Or even more precisely: to enable Albanian opposition parties to collect political points by discrediting their political opponents.

But, first things first. That something was going on in Tetovo was clear when a month ago, the Rector of the Tetovo University (TU), an educational institution considered illegal by Macedonian authorities, publicly stated accusations against the PDP. This took place at a meeting of the Tetovo branch of the Party of Democratic Prosperity of the Albanians (PDPA, which was created after a split in the mentioned PDP and which is in the opposition in the republican parliament). Fadil Sulejmani said at this meeting that the leadership of this party, and especially its leader Abdurrahman Aliti, conspired with the authorities in "dishonest activities" against the TU. The very fact that these qualifications were stated at a party meeting of a branch of the PDPA was a signal that the Rector had taken sides, that is that he had given up on support from the PDP and relied only on the opposition parties of the Albanians, especially the PDPA which is considered by certain circles to be more radical than the PDP which again is in the coalition which forms the Government of Prime Ministers Crvenkovski. That the affair would not end with these accusations was clear to all acquianted with the distribution of political forces of the Albanians in Macedonia. And that it was all a part of a well-elaborated concept to go to the end in "settling accounts" with "traitors" was also quite clear. What nobody knew, however, was the "methodology" which would be used to complete the job of "settling of accounts". When the optimists started to believe that the Rector and leader Aliti would settle the dispute and would not allow the quarrel concerning their joint cause - the University in Tetovo - to evolve, since all the Albanian parties in Macedonia had reached a complete consensus on this issue, Fadil Sulejmani publicly accused once again the leader of the PDP that he had "betrayed" the TU and even more loudly informed the Albanians that in fact this party was the greatest obstacle to making this educational institution legal. The first rally was scheduled in Tetovo in protest against the mentioned sentences, and members of the PDP were practically forbidden to participate by a statement that those who participated in the authorities could not protest, that is, that it was impossible to protest against one's "own" decisions.

At the first rally in Tetovo, it was obvious that participants had less the sentences of the convicted on their minds, and more the intention to expose the "enemies" and the "traitors" of the nation. Therefore, this was the same old Balkan story: those who do not support "our" cause are our "enemies". At this rally it was announced that the "tour" would continue in other cities where the Albanians lived. That is what the organizers had promised, and that is what they did. And the organizers of the rally were opposition parties of the Albanians (Party of Democratic Prospoerity, National Party) as well as a couple of associations of the Albanians. The tour ended at Skopje square once called Marshall Tito, and since recently - the Macedonia square. As the rallies were moving to the end, it became clear that the objectives were not connected only to the verdict and legalization of the TU, but that they were much "more profound" and "farther-reaching". And this meant discrediting the most powerful party of the Albanians - PDP - in order to make the other party - PDPA headed by Arben Xhaferi - stronger. However, the initial "rhetoric" consisting of big accusations and readiness for "lynch", was mitigated at each next rally.

The fact that this way of resolving inter-partisan disagreements concerning the concept of resolution of the problem of university education of the Albanians in their mother tongue - by means of street democracy - was condemned by a number of Albanian intellectuals, contributed to "cooling down" of the "pioneers" of the rallies and making them understand that it could all do them more harm than benefit. The statement of the President of the Union of Albanian Writers in Macedonia, famous intellectuual Dr Ali Aliu, that this was tearing the Albanian political tissue apart, as well as numerous comments in the media which condemned politicization of an educational problem, resulted in a mild and reasonable polemic which still continues. Moreover, the polemic proved that it was impossible to manipulate with the masses and that people were sick and tired of words without meaning, that is that they believed only in deeds, and not promises.

That Tetovo University is an institution supported by all the Albanians in Macedonia is a fact which is not questioned by anyone. That the authorities have not manifested sufficient readiness to resolve the status of about three thousand students who have been studying in abnormal conditions for three years is a fact that none of the Albanian parties denies. That almost all the Albanians are dissatisfied with the performace of their five ministers in Macedonian Government is also a fact that noone denies. What the heads of the TU and the PDP do disagree about is the "strategy" of legalization of the university. While the number of newly opened faculties and the number of students is increasing, heads of the PDP are trying to convince Sulejmani not to "push" it too far and expand the TU so quickly. The issue is therefore not whether TU should be supported or not, but whether to "get the better of" the authorities by increasing the number of faculties and students as its heads think, or to move forward more cautiously as the PDP believes should be done. The present discussions have also for the first time opened the "taboo" concerning the quality of the people who are running this institution. Some analysts believe that this is in fact a game aimed at discharging the Rector, Fadil Sulejmani, and the others that this was all conceived by the opposition PDPA which along with this objective - to remove the Rector from office - wishes to discredit its political opponent, the PDP, and especially the leader of this party, Abdurrahman Aliti. More specifically, these two most influential leaders, Abdurrahman Aliti and Arben Xhaferi are fighting a decisive battle who will become the leader of all Albanians in Macedonia.

These two are well known politicians among local Albanians. While Aliti distinguishes himself as a highly pragmatic and rational politician, Xhaferi is esteemed as an intellectual who enjoys not only support of the local but also partly of intelligentsia in Kosovo. He is not denied intellectual merits, even his political opponents from the other ethnic block show respect and esteem him as one of the rare intellectuals who cope well with the world of politics. However, he is said to be alone in his views in the party and constantly under pressure exerted by the "radicals" who demand that everything be done immediately. While Xhaferi is pressed by the "tempo" dictated by his "impatient" colleagues, Aliti has problems with his ambitious "stormers" at ministerial and ambassadors' posts. The fact that his party is member of the coalition which formed the Government which the Albanians are dissatisfied with is sufficient to "invalidate" many positive moves it has made. When allegation of local analysts is added to this that Aliti does not hold strings and that if it were according to him, his ministers would have left their posts a long time ago, it becomes quite clear that even his fall is quite possible.

Allegations that this inter-Albanian quarrel is beneficial for the authorities are based on the assumption that it is easier for them to "rule" disunited Albanians, which is quite logical. But, that the whole affair is not favourable for the authorities is best proved by the fact that this quarrel has given opportunity to "radical" factions to use it in their own political marketing and simultaneously to keep stirrng up interethnic tensions. Imemdiately after the latest rally, united opposition Albanian parties abandoned the republican parliament because their proposal to put Tetovo University on the agenda was not accepted. All this makes work of the other Albanian deputies of the PDP more difficult, as well as of all those who wish to resolve all the problems by negotiations. This fact should worry the ruling structure of the Macedonian national block, because not much is needed for those who are ready to negotiate to have no choice but join the "impatient" ones. In view of that, it is confusing that the authorities practically have no understanding for "reasonable" voices which demand a reasonable approach to problems and demand that at least what is possible be done. And until that remains as it is, there will be plenty of "arguments" for those who claim that Abdurrahman Aliti is a "traitor" and that ministers of his party are the "greatest enemies" of interests of the Albanians in Macedonia. Moreover, allegations are not completely unfounded that this is the beginning of the end of those "moderate" political factions of ethnic Albanians and that in the forthcoming elections "radical" parties will win. Whether this is really the case, remains to be seen quite soon. Local elections are scheduled for the autumn. Some people believe that this "tour of rallies" is in fact the beginning of preparations of the "ground" for candidates of Xhaferi's party to win in the municipalities where the Albanians live. If the main objective of these political quarrels is victory in local elections, it is still possible to claim that the political "war" will be merciless and it will not be surprising if the most powerful party of the Albanians in Macedonia - the PDP - will be pushed out of the race. Mostly because the other partners in the Government are doing nothing to preserve the already acquired reputation among the voters.

Luljeta K. NIZAMI