MACEDONIA BETWEEN STRATEGIC IMPORTANCE

AND ECONOMIC HOPELESSNESS

AIM, Skopje, April 4, 1996

Is the attitude of Washington towards Macedonia any different from the way Bruxelles - the center of the European Union - views this former Yugoslav republic? If there is no tacit American - European agreement unknown, at least for the time being, to the Macedonian public at large, then it appears that different views on Macedonia's future are in question.

Namely, probably having in mind the strategic position of Macedonia as an important cross-roads on the wind-swept Balkan area which should be used in the future as a link on NATO's southern flank, the Americans support the idea on Macedonian independence and its ambition to directly join international institutions. Europeans, on the other hand, due to its modest economic potentials as a small market with only two million inhabitants, as well as its current unenvious economic situation, are discreetly trying to push it into regional, much disliked here, Balkan associations before the Macedonians are allowed to even come near the so coveted Europe.

In any case, Macedonia is too small a country to be the testing ground of different approaches of Europe and America. But those who are more skillful in deciphering the manoevers of the great powers, therefore frequently indirectly have arguments corroborating the above. At the meeting of defense ministers of Albania, Macedonia, Bulgaria, Turkey and Italy (Athens did not answer the invitation), held last week in Tirana, Skoplje received two encouraging signals which play into the hands of current Macedonian foreign policy. In the presence of the first man of American defence, State Secretary for National Security, William Perry, it was intimated that there were possibilities for NATO to open its doors to new members on its southern flank. Why wouldn't it then, after its transitional status within NATO's project "Partnership for Peace", be possible for Macedonia to become a full-fledged member of the western military alliance? At the same time, Perry himself stated that the UN peace mission mandate in Macedonia, which incidentally, has more than a half American troops, should be extended for "as long as needed".

In any case, these are elements which suit Skoplje. However, this is harder to settle with Europe. Parallel to the talks which Blagoje Handjiski, Macedonian minister of defense had in Tirana, talks were held in Bruxelles between the Macedonian delegation headed by the influential vice-president of the Macedonian Government, Jane Miljoski and the European Union. The Macedonians went to Bruxelles dissatisfied with the proposed agreement between Macedonia and the EU, which reached Skoplje from the European center. Primarily because of, as Miljoski termed it, the "regional component" - namely, a precondition set to Macedonia to develop good neighbourly relations before it could more seriously link and associate itself with the European Union.

However, for the time being, European negotiators didn't send anything more than a comforting answer. While Skoplje recognized in this European "recommendation" a message that before integrating itself into the European architecture it had to join some sort of a regional community - trade, customs, and perhaps even a state union with one of its neighbours, Bruxelles answered that its good intentions had been misinterpreted. According to Miljoski, as it was explained to them, the European Union had no intention of pushing Macedonia into some new disliked Balkan (con)federations. It was only a move made in the attempt to open Skoplje's door towards its neighbours with whom it could enter into more favourable arrangements than with the EU. The answer actually boiled down to the adage - six of one and half a dozen of the other.

The Macedonian delegation could also surely not beam with joy when it was explained to it why the proposed arrangement contained what is known as the "evolutionary clause". In other words, a series of small steps was envisaged before the true "association arrangement" with the European Union came on the agenda. They did not get much consolation here either. It was again suggested, as Miljoski explained, that this was in their best interest.

Namely, some other countries also hurried and when their applications to join the EU reached the European Commission, they had to be rejected. They were advised that it was better to fulfil the requirements gradually and play it safe than run hands over heels and come away empty handed.

Bearing all this mind, Miljoski's statement that "he is personally very satisfied" with what the Macedonian delegation achieved last week in Bruxelles, was probably not sincere. Not only because the Macedonians had to settle for consoling answers regarding these institutional issues, but also because they did not manage to wheedle as much money as they expected. If they did manage to get subsidized interest rates, the maximum credit they got was 150 million ECUs, which will be disbursed until the year 2000.

Miljoski and his team demanded more, but were answered that other countries had asked for the same, to prove later that they had no good programmes on which to spend the money. It seems that European confidence in Macedonia is melting away. Not so long ago almost the entire world community tapped them on the shoulder, as they had remained outside and far away from the war in the former Yugoslav territory.

It is not as if Macedonia did not get its hard currency fee through various forms of humanitarian aid, as well as credits. But now that the war fury in Bosnia has calmed down and money from world financial power centres has started flowing towards this former central Yugoslav republic, there is less and less left for Macedonia.

On the other hand, the last of the European Union countries which did not demand visas from the citizens of Macedonia till now is preparing their introduction. Italy is in question. However, Bosnia in which the world community is trying to clear a part of its own conscience by means of financial assistance is also not too happy with the allocated funds. And when it comes to Bosnia it turned out that promises, which are abundant in dire straits, are one thing and something completely different when major world powers try to talk their bankers into untying their purse strings.

However, this is harsh reality facing almost all the countries of the former socialist camp. With a few honorable exceptions.

Piçe: VERA GEORGIEVSKA