ON THE ROAD TO BIHAC

BORDERS WHERE THEY SHOULD NOT BE

AIM, Sarajevo, November 8, 1995 When an armed soldier of one state burns villages in another, sets up barricades, bans passage to local citizens, and introduces an order of his own, such a state of affairs is usually called - occupation. In this space of ours, at least when Croatia and Bosnia are concerned, something like that is called - the Split Agreement!?

To start on a journey from the capital of Bosnia & Herzegovina across the so-called "newly liberated territory" towards the region of Bihac means to risk never to get to Bihac. Namely, at the exit from Sarajevo already, a soldier of the Army of B&H warns that it is impossible to travel by the road leading via Jajce and Kljuc in the direction of the federal unit called the Una-Sana Canton, because the Croat partner in the Federation does not permit passage to vehicles with licence plates bearing the sign "BiH" with lilies on them. The road to Bihac which should be 350 kilometres long after the defeat of Mladic's soldiery, lasts more than twice as long: passage across Herzegovina must be included in the calculation, then entrance and the road through Croatia (with the obligatory transit visa, of course, and the much-vaunted paper with two entrances and exits), but also several vain attempts to decipher the whereabouts of the state border in parts of Western Bosnia controlled by the Croat Army.

Our first attempt to enter Bosnia is not long after passing Knin, the city which might as well be called the HK village. Namely, after a bunch of abbreviations of various armies, para-military units, quasi states and regimes which have marked Knin, survival here is attempted with enormous letters written across house fronts: HK. The message thus indicated means: this is a Croat house - do not set it on fire! Judging by the sooty landscape which appears after one leaves downtown Knin, there was either too few Croat houses around, or the officer in charge was soft-hearted. (You know how the joke goes: "Commander, may I light one now?" - "No, you can't, you fool, this is your fifth house since this morning!")

After Knin, on the road to Bosansko Grahovo, the border between the Republic of Croatia and the Republic of Bosnia & Herzegovina should lie. Because, as everyone knows by now, "friendly Croatia was among the first to recognize Bosnia & Herzegovina". However, there is no border! Unfortunately, you will soon forget the fact that there is no border, because something much worse follows - there is no Bosansko Grahovo either! Not that it is not "Bosansko" (Bosnian) any more, it is simply no more. Unlike TV shots telecast immediately after "liberation" of Grahovo by the Croat soldiers, the place looks ghostly now. Devastated and burnt down to the last house. In fact, for kilometres after leaving it, on the road which leads towards the interior of Bosnian territory and Drvar, there is nothing in one piece, nor a living soul. Just packs of dogs along the road, in a desperate search for the last piece of meat off corpses of dead horses or shot cattle...

Just before reaching Drvar, where the road serprentines descending into the town itself and reveals the view of the war cave of the man after whom this town was until recently called Tito's, a line of parked cars. Not long after, a barrier and two Croat soldiers comfortably seated in armchairs taken from a house the wheels of which are jammed in the mud by the road. Just as they explain to us that it is impossible to continue without escort and special permits issued by the police, tens of cars pass by us bearing insignia of the Croat Army, but civilian cars too with licence plates of "Herzeg-Bosnia". All the stopped cars which have to turn back are those with licence places of the Republic B&H and lilies on them. A gentleman from a car with Sarajevo licence plates and identity card of a deputy in the parliament of the Federation B&H starts a somewhat briskier discussion at the control point. To his question by whose orders and pursuant to what law these two soldiers of the Army of the Republic of Croatia can ban passage through B&H to its domicile citizens, the confused soldier with a strong North-Croatian accent answers that he is just carrying out orders. The Bosnia-Herzegovinian deputy, however, insists on identifying the soldiers, but gets an answer that there are still no official documents, except a piece of paper which cites the destination where they should keep watch.

On the way back to Knin, at the very spot where the border between the two states should be, a couple of full buses with yellow licence plates and sign "HV" (Croat Army) passed by us in the direction towards Drvar. Things become much clearer - the border between B&H and Croatia does exist, but it is moved for kilometres in favour of the Croat state and, judging by the banned passage to B&H citizens, it is still uncertain that it will not in a few days be moved even further away, beyond Drvar.

We are trying to enter Bosnia & Herzegovina again, this time via Donji Lapac. Between the two control points held by Croat police, we pick up a Croat soldier who needs a lift to Lapac. While passing by a hundred burnt down houses, we keep asking our fellow-companion Veljko questions (he swears he is a "pure Croat", only his father, unawarely, gave him a Serb name) if it is not crazy and beyond comprehension to destroy all these houses which could have been used better. Indisposed for further conversation, Veljko answers briefly: "Everything should be burnt down, so that the Chetniks never return!" The fact that the Croat soldiers destroyed places on the territory of another state does not bother much any off them. Or perhaps, everything has become "ours" already?

In Donji Lapac, a piece of news we have almost expected reaches us: it is impossible to continue. Allegedly, some ten kilometres towards Bihac, members of the Army of B&H have caused certain incidents, so the road has been closed until further notice. Although we are only about 35 kilometres away from Bihac, because that is approximately how much is left to our destination from this point, we turn back once again, this time towards Licko Petrovo Selo and the border crossing Izacici. The additional hundred kilometres we are crossing are similar to the previous ones - resembling a landscape after cataclism or a big earthquake, everything has been destroyed and devastated. Suddenly, by the road, a stooping old woman about eighty saluting us with a trembling hand. A colleague from Tuzla Television comments with loathsome black humour which upsets the stomack: "Look, an old woman who is still alive! We should report her, she must have slipped away!"

Finally, a border crossing at which, judging by the line of vehicles from B&H, Slovenia, Austria, Croatia slowly crawling, we will not be turned back. First, the control point with the state coat-of-arms of the Republic of Croatia and customs officers who are trying to do their job professionally with a strict expression on their faces. Then a sign with lilies which reads: "R Bosnia & Herzegovina - Border Crossing Izacici". Actually, this is the only state border crossing in Bosnia & Herzegovina where the state flag is hoisted, where you will be welcomed to "Bosnia & Herzegovina", and where your passport will be stamped like anywhere else in the world, with the date and name of the border crossing, with no iconography of self-proclaimed statelets. Of course, the reason for that is quite simple - this is the only place where the Army of B&H has liberated its border. We observe, however, that the Bosnian customs officer just waves his hand in sign of free passage to the citizens of Croatia after checking their passports.

• No, I don't stamp their passports! Don't ask me why, I simply don't want to!

Only after ten minutes of unofficial conversation, the customs officer relaxes and starts to explain his animosity towards colleagues on the other side: Croat customs officers, he says, do their job for just a couple of hours a day, intentionally stopping long lines of convoys with goods sent to the region of Bihac. Before this border crossing was opened, the entire transportation was forwarded through the crossing in Doljani (Herzegovina), and customs dues were collected, naturally, by the so-called "Herzeg-Bosnia". According to the words of the Bosnian customs officers, the Croat party persistently makes transportation of goods difficult and causes up to three-days delays in entering B&H in order to force truck drivers to use the road through Herzegovina again. And leave money and goods in Doljani...

Soon after, we reach Bihac which at first sight, apart from shell-riddled houses, does not reflect the horror of Golgotha it has experienced. Colourfulness in town squares reminds of any other Bosnian town. Food trade, or more precisely, smuggling, has become the most profitable business in an economy that died down in war times. Every conversation with the citizens of Bihac ends in a recount about the ominous Grabeska plateau, where the stronghold of Karadzic's forces used to be. Stories about Bosnian destinies of those killed, wounded and survivers go on for hours. One topic is not mentioned at all - Abdic and his supporters. Hardly anyone wishes to enter the discussion why a conflict broke out between the Muslims, whether Abdic's supporters who have fled will return, and whether there is any responsibility of Sarajevo for the Golgotha experienced by the people from Cazin. To our comment that the problem with the supporters of "Daddy" (Abdic) is that they love Abdic less than they do not love the authorities, while these same authorities are much more fond of the victory over Abdic than they are concerned about the lost people - a hush falls. Noone in the cafe which we were sitting in and which is decorated with a big picture of Izetbegovic absorbed in reading the Koran, wishes to talk, and the strain and fear after the taboo topic is opened can almost be touched.

A colleague from the local television later warns us not to forget that we have come to a town where war was waged not only with Karadzic's rebels, but with numerous citizens of Bihac who had not accepted the political option of the official Sarajevo, and that that part of the war was much more painful. There is not a single family here, it seems, whose close or distant member has not left with Abdic or was inclined towards his policy. Nowadays, everyone is attempting to hush that up or disregard it. In fact, the atmosphere reminds of a chaos after the collapse of Information Bureau after the Second World War in the former state.

Apart from the local paper Ljiljan (Lily) which is edited in the headquarters of the 5th Corps and the strictly controlled city Radio-TV station, no other information reaches the town. The opposition is, of course, pushed to the margins, and the ruling Party of Democratic Action (SDA) is firmly holding entire power in the town and the newly established Government of the Una-Sana Canton (whose Ministers, as citizens of Bihac claim, are forbidden to drink alcoholic beverages). Rumour goes that recently representatives of the civic opposition from Sarajevo and Tuzla visited the town, but that their public promotion was prevented. Allegedly, municipality officials refused to unlock the hall for the leaders of the SDP, and even turned off the electricity on them, while they organized a wedding in the hall the Tuzla Union of B&H Social Democrats (UBSD) had reserved. Salko Saracevic, President of the Canton Committe of former Reformists, now Union of B&H Social Democrats acidly comments that the authorities did not need to take such precautions. Namely, since primarily policemen in civilian clothes appear at such gatherings, hardly anyone would wish to antagonize the authorities for the sake of a few hours spent in the company of the opposition anyway.

That it is difficult to get any information in this nearly police state is verified by the hush which falls every time a question is put about the former first man in Bihac, Muhamed Fazlic. As an oppositionist and member of the republican committe of former Reformists, in the beginning of the conflict with Abdic, Fazlic was appointed (whether under pressure?) to the post of the mayor, which, as many claim, demands signing an application for membership in the ruling party. What has actually happened and what pressure was exerted on Fazlic, noone wishes to say, except for the bleak information that the tenth day after taking over the office of the mayor, this oppositionist committed suicide.

All citizens of Bihac, nevertheless, speak about one man - general Atif Dudakovic. Each discussion about the political situation in the region ends with assurances that "with Dudakovic, everything will be alright". The man in whose house we are spending the night - and who claims that he is not a member of any party but is interested only in normal life of all citizens of B&H - talks about fearlessness, high morale and merits of the commander of the 5th Corps of the Army of B&H. We try to direct the conversation to a discussion about political aptness and loyalty of Dudakovic to the ruling SDA as the main condition for his remaining in power, but our host is convinced that this is not important, because the general is popular among the citizens!? After our insisting that this very popularity which exceeds party interests and is becoming dangerous for the officials in Sarajevo, is a risk for his career, our host jumps up from his chair shouting that we do not know what we are saying because Dudakovic is a genuine Bosnian and patriot, and not like the pervert Abdic. In response to that preaching of our host, we take out newspapers and show this evidently irritated man the latest volume of a popular Sarajevo weekly with the following title across the whole front page: "Is Atif Dudakovic a new Fikret Abdic?" Dumbfounded, the man falls down back in his chair and bows his head...

In a walk around Bihac the next day, we stop in front of an advertisment in a privately owned store in the centre of the town. It is an example of exaggerated and ridiculous use of croatisms in response to the previous attempts to introduce serbisms!

DRAZENA PERANIC