MONTENEGRO AND "SHIFTING TO THE LEFT"

Socialization of smuggling

AIM Podgorica, October 1, 1995

When relatives happen to quarrel, they usually tell the whole truth about each other. This time, in an interview to Belgrade weekly NIN, it was Montenegrin Prime Minister Milo Djukanovic who started telling the truth. "The Yugoslav Associated Leftists (JUL) are devoted to an ideologically retrograde and abstract society which is not concerned with economic hypotheses of implementation of their program. It might appear to be an attractive and sweet story to someone, but since it has all once collapsed, to me it seems more like a bad already dreamt dream", Milo Djukanovic snapped. Deep in his soul, he too is a leftist, but, as he says, of a different brand: "A state of social justice is possible only in market economy, economy of a strong and safe private property." Differences concerning social basis produced a corresponding effect on social superstructure. "JUL - according to Djukanovic - is a product of an aggressive media promotion and the power voluntarily ceded to it by the Socialist Party of Serbia". Naturally, such as it is, "it has no power in Montenegro", because here, indeed, "power can only be won in elections". The issue with the Montenegrin Prime Minister and the JUL has risen to personal horizons: he publicly admits that he does not read regularly the diary of Dr Mirjana Markovic published in Belgrade journal Duga, but just occasionally, and that he sees "no evident connection between the Montenegrin political scene and anybody's diary".

The other party was also careful in choosing words. First, a wish to "responsibly stress" something was expressed by a certain Ratko Krsmanovic, who as a Montenegrin personnel manager was chosen to be the President of the Yugoslav Committee of the League of Communists - Movement for Yugoslavia (SK-PJ): "Since the times of King Nikola, noone has ruled Montenegro with more power and less responsibility than Milo Djukanovic". Later, Dr Mirjana Markovic personally declared her stance concerning this issue with an expert assessment that the Montenegrin Prime Minister was in fact "just a concealed smuggler employed as a prominent politician and a member of a left-oriented party." That is such as it is, but the lady boss of JUL hinted at bright future, too. "He is not the only smuggler who is against the leftists due to their alleged obsoleteness. They know, just as we the leftists do, that when leftists are in power they remove prominent smugglers from power and puts them in places them which are in any civilized society prescribed for smugglers". If we remember well and if the former leftists were real leftists - smuggling as a social deviation dangerous for socialism, used to be punished by hard labour.

While waiting for the parties concerned who have said what they think to begin to act, observers notice a few details. The Montenegrin Prime Minister has proved that he does not like his activities to be called open let alone all veiled smuggling. The Serb Radicals have experienced it: Seselj was denied access to Montenegro just as a precaution, and the local Radical Acim Visnjic, due to that very topic found himself in jail. Until now, it was best to advocate the official version of the issue. And it states as follows: under Bulatovic's and Djukanovic's rule, Montenegro has, for the first time since it exists, balanced its receipts and expenses, so it supports itself. This historical achievement was made under yet unexperienced and unjust sanctions - the economy has died down, tourism is stifled - the only thing which is flourishing is a specific type of trade. Exchange of all kinds of goods with foreign countries, but not through official border crossings is completely controlled by the authorities, and the President of Montenegro has made up quite an appropriate name for the Prime Minister's skill in this economic branch when he called him a - magician.

Therefore, thanks to magic, Montenegrin Prime Minister succeeds to pay pensions quite regularly, supports an enormous bureaucracy and other handy state services, without having to reach out for help from Belgrade. When he manages to do so, he might as well be allowed to raise his voice from time to time. It has not happened for the first time. At the time Serbia had introduced the embargo on importing strategic commodities (cucumbers, for example) into Montenegro, he did not accept to have the blame layed for the whole operation on unfit shoulders of "clumsy clerks", but heroically admitted that he felt humiliated because of it. Ever since then he has earned the reputation of a "hard-core Montenegrin", and every now and then complaints are heard from the local ruling circles, but from Belgrade as well, that Djukanovic is secretly working in favour of a sovereign Montenegro. Rumour started among the local opposition, too: once the authorities did not even dare raise their eyes in front of the head of the federal customs administration, Mihalj Kertes, and now they are trying to outwit Mirjana Markovic, God knows where that might lead them.

And yet, as concerning separatism, Djukanovic is falsely accused. Passing all competences of Montenegro on to the "federal" administration in the past few years took place not only with the approval, and almost regularly with a stimulus from his government. Djukanovic is still telling the ancient story which makes many hearts dance: "if Montenegro ceases to be equal with Serbia, we have left the possibility to leave the joint state". The truth is that, according to the Prime Minister's opinion, Montenegro is still perfectly equal to Serbia, and that it will be increasingly equal as long as these authorities are in power, even if in some future negotiations, Milosevic's vote might be equal to three Bulatovic's. In regular intervals in Serbia, supervision of each and every move of Montenegrin authorities is intensified to check that "Montenegro does not secede" by any chance. As if it is possible to come by sovereign Montenegro secretly, by subversion, so they must be cautious just in case. The whole story about sovereign Montenegro is brought down to separatism over there. Those in favour of sovereign Montenegro respond to that by declaring that they have no intention to "secede" because they are no part of anything in the first place.

The local opposition parties passed over Prime Minister Djukanovic's dispute with the wife of the Serb President in silence - they wanted neither to help nor to thwart. In Montenegro, JUL is truly on the margins. The majority of those who come to their promotion gatherings in Podgorica are those who just wish to see "Slobo's family". Montenegrin authorities will do their best for things to remain as they are: of course, not because majority of the electorate of the Democratic Party of Socialists (DPS), like their Vice-President Djukanovic, believes that the version of socialism Mirjna Markovic advocates is "a bad already dreamt dream". Should Slobodan Milosevic seriously attempt to make dreams come true - it will remain to be seen who has remained true to socialistic ideals, and who has betrayed them and become a "smuggler and fond of power". This story has several chapters.

The election campaign is well under way here, and the ruling DPS is seriously worried that it might lose absolute majority. Since that would be the end of the world, it is no wonder that they are so concerned not to lose a single vote. Serb parties have reliable evidence that the job across the Drina has not been done as planned, the Montenegrin - that Montenegro would be best off if it finally turned to itself. JUL can, therefore, move in only on the soil which belongs to the DPS. There is another tiny reason why the situation is not the same as in Serbia: Bulatovic and Djukanovic have no way of controlling Mirjana Markovic. Something else has also changed. For a long time now, the most powerful opposition party, the Serb oriented National Party has been abusing the authorities for having allowed the humiliating position of Montenegro in the FRY. The rush for the role of the "political centre" is greater than ever, and the DPS is doing its best to adapt. For the elections, it will again offer itself to the Montenegrins as a peace-loving party, equally in favour of private initiative and social justice, true to Serbdom and even more faithful to Montenegro, defender of cooperation and, indeed, equality. Chances are that it will get away with it, but under condition that, for some reason, Milosevic has not decided differently. Judging by the way he exerted pressure on them last summer, and finished off this year's tourist season by introducing passports for the Macedonians, they have all reasons to worry. Those who are well informed claim that in July Djukanovic asked trustful journalists to increase alertness because Belgrade was seriously threatening his position. Perhaps this return of the blow at JUL is some kind of a counter-offensive.

Apparently so far, Milosevic has no reason to and therefore will not completely destroy the very foundations of Bulatovic's authorities; but it is not at all impossible that at a convenient moment he might selectively remove parts of the leadership of DPS. They have been together long, they are still not disobedient, but former ardour has disappeared. Djukanovic could become the target - pushed to shift for himself under sanctions, he has put to the proof his trading skills, and if he could only peep out from the shadow of the President of Serbia, and get the opportunity to have a say about certain issues. He is not without support in Montenegro: Mirjana Markovic cannot overthrow him on her own, but against Milosevic he would not live through the night even within his own party. In that case, of course, he could not even count on unreserved support of Bulatovic.

Noone knows whether a dispute conditionally titled "true socialism" will continue. It is no practical joke when a Montenegrin, even if he were not the Prime Minister, and even if he were engaged in resale of small goods, is proclaimed to be a masked smuggler and threatened by the way. Nevertheless, Djukanovic, although known for his strictness in relation to the Montenegrin opposition, has not made a statement concerning the findings and recommendations of the first lady "comrade" of Serbia. Completely uncharacteristically, perhaps enchanted by the awareness that the magician's skills of their Prime Minister have been discussed in the humble home of the Serb President in Tolstojeva street no. 33, his party comrades have remained silent too.

Esad KOCAN