BRINGING MERCEP INTO LINE

Zagreb May 29, 1995

AIM, ZAGREB, May 22, 1995 When a year and a half ago, at the Second General Convention of the ruling Croat Democratic Community (HDZ), Franjo Tudjman was taming his disorderly rightists, he said that it was not easy for him, but that the world was carefully watching every move of these bellicose chiefs and that is why they had to resign from the most prominent posts in the party. At the time, Vice Vukojevic, Branimir Glvas, Vladimir Seks, Tomislav Mercep, Luka Bebic, Ivo Sanader and others had to leave the leading positions in the HDZ. The only one from that flock, a part of which does not conceal open pro-Ustashe convictions, who remained close to Tudjman's side was Minister of Defence, Gojko Susak, who does not bother much to conceal such convictions either, but remained under cover because of his unquestioned loyalty and services rendered to Tudjman in diaspora back in the preelection period.

The others were not removed from their state and parliamentary offices either, but it was evident that they felt deprived and that they were waiting for a convenient moment for "rehabilitation". But, according to a silent agreement, they have never publicly come out against Tudjman, moreover they were most aggressive whenever it was necessary to settle accounts with his non-party opponents, and in return, he never accused them in public, but saved his critical remarks for frequent internal party briefings. The only one who does not abide by this agreement is Tomislav Mercep, who is more and more frequently heard loudly complaining that he is the most neglected man among the authorities, the only one who was not awarded any war decoration out of "about a hundred thousand" of them which were distributed.

Everyone is fully aware that Mercep, even if there was such an intention, cannot be awarded any war medal, since it is notorious that he was escorted handcuffed in 1991 from Vukovar to Zagreb, because of the committed acts which have never officially been publicized, but more or less everything is known about them. The Napoleon from Vukovar, as someone named Mercep (obviously because of his stature, since there are no other similarities), was then appointed "counsellor" in the Ministry of the interior, and thus instigation of court proceedings against him was avoided. But, noone ever stood behind his dissolute war biography, which offered possibilities of various usages, and even blackmail, as developments of the past few days show. For some time, Mercep endured this status of granted but uncertain mercy, but everything changed when last year the weekly "Globus" published court documents which charged him of having arranged the murder of Zec family in Zagreb. Although Tudjman himself intervened after this media "subversion" with an angry reproach on account of the journal, it was clear that Mercep's "asylum" in Zagreb was not safe any more, especially after it was published that the Hague Court was established and that it would soon begin operation.

Since then, Mercep gradually took over protection of his sides into his own hands and first became a zealous hard- core member of the ruling HDZ in the tumultous Assembly quarrels with the opposition, and then left the first lines of his party and increased his engagement as the head of the Homeland War Volunteers' Association of Croatia. It proved to be very profitable for making significant points in a short time, because the volunteers were bypassed with a series of privileges they believe they are entitled to, and the fact that they are often colloquially called "paramilitary" warriors speaks a lot about their status. Mercep started mass enrolment of these underestimated combatants, and in order to provide the necessary funds for the newly established organization, he used the tested recipe and, with a group of followers, founded a football club called the "Croat Volunteer".

It is a club which is shooting up like a meteor at the increasingly trivial football scene and it will certainly, in just a year after foundation, enter the first division, and Mercep planned the same, quick as lightning, breakthrough for his Association. A short while ago, the Association held its third Convention which gathered more than a thousand volunteers in the basketball hall "Drazen Petrovic" who had previously presented themselves to the citizens of Zagreb walking down its streets in long lines. The gathering was marked by provocative symbols which conveyed a deep sigh of nostalgy for the Independent State of Croatia from the times of the Second World War, although with certain alterations and stylizations, complete identification was avoided (the slogan of the Convention was "For Home - Always" instead of the notirous - "For Home - Ready", and the coat of arms of the Association is the "chess board" but with a heart drawn in the initial white field). But this time, these shifts in style were not sufficient as before, and the Convention was sharply criticized by the people from the very top of the state leadership. The first to react was a member of the Presidency of the HDZ, Djuro Brodarac who accused Mercep of open reaffirmation of the "obsolescent time of nazism" (at the gathering, some individuals greeted each other with a raised right hand, which was not registered by anyone when last summer Gojko Susak did it, at the opening ceremony of Sinj Games of tilting of the ring), at the very moment President Tudjman attended the central anti-fascist ceremony in London, Paris and Moscow.

This is the first time that Mercep was openly accused of having opposed the policy of the Croat President from the highest places of the official hierarchy, though Mr Brodarac had certain personal reasons to retort to Mercep, too. Namely, Mercep had accused him at the Convention of his Association that he had slandered him and the Association at the meetings of the state leadership. As Brodarac was recently elected President of the Croat Football Association, it is quite probable that personal animosity between the two officials who have both become great fans of the ball game are also involved. In order to make it clear that he was ready to hit at Mercep where he was the most vulnerable, Brodarac threatened that he might even publish certain indiscretions about Mercep which "he probably would not like", so it was finally openly said that such compromising details actually do exist. Mercep has not answered to Brodarac's underwater mines yet, but showed at the platform of the Association Convention that he had courage and opened the front against an even more powerful man in the Croat state leadership, Gojko Susak. He made a rude remark about his family name, which in the ruling clan system of values bears the meaning of a greatest insult. Besides publicly insulting men who enjoy Tudjman's confidence, Mercep stated some demands of his Association which could be interpreted as direct opposition to the President himself. He demanded that his volunteers be given access to intelligence services which are coordinated and supervised by Croat Information Service headed by Tudjman's son Miroslav. He also demanded access to the General Headquarters of the Croat Army and the state media.

As one can see, Mercep has a very good insight into where the major centres of power lie in Croatia (their extending straight to Tudjman's presidential premises give his demand the dimension of a possible court putsch), and if by any chance his demands were met, the Association of Volunteers would become one of the most powerful organizations in the country overnight. But, Tudjman cut these ambitious daydreaming of the Volunteers' Association short and at the session of the HDZ deputy club rejected these demands, showing once again that the most radical political deviations start bothering him once they question the existing power structure in the state. Nevertheless, there are no signs that Tudjman intends to cut down the Association of Volunteers of the Homeland War in Croatia to size, nor that he could finally send the Napoleon from Vukovar to his "Saint Helen Island". The Association which allegedly has 250 thousand members, which is certainly exaggerated and overblown (by receiving donors, members of their families and similar), probably has its place in Tudjman's political combinations.

It might be a "reserve" unit for intimidating all those who are at this moment not observed with affinity (from Croat Serbs to the opposition), but it can also be used as an alibi for Tudjman's further strengthening power in order to keep the "extremist nationalists" under control. But there not much time is left for this secret mobilization of the volunteers. As soon as it is published that Mercep is on the list of the Hague Court, and noone (except perhaps he himself) doubts that he is, Tudjman will have to make up his mind whether he will keep him as a disobedient collaborator or whether he will nominate him for the criminal scapegoat.

MARINKO CULIC