FEDERAL AUTONOMY

Vojvodina and Baranja

The proposal for union of Vojvodina and Baranja based on the principle of double federation, submitted in the Assembly of Vojvodina by the Group of Independent Deputies, confused the deputies and caught the attention of the public

AIM, BELGRADE, April 9, 1995

The Group of Independent Deputies of Vojvodina in the Assembly of the Province submitted a proposal for initiating the procedure for formation of a federal autonomy of Vojvodina and Baranja based on the principle of double federalism. The proposal was not adopted, but caught an unusual attention of the journalists and caused confusion among the deputies. Namely, the Radicals and the hawks of the Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS), obviously failing to grasp the essence of the proposal, recognized their own call for union of "all Serb countries" in it, and tried to broaden it with the demand to annex the whole of Krajina to Serbia. This proposal was also rejected, with the same explanation that the Assembly of the Province was not competent for such issues.

This is just partially correct, because formally, the Assembly could discuss anything, just as it only formally discusses all other issues it is allegedly competent for. Besides, if it is not competent for the issue who will be annexed to Serbia, it certainly is competent for the destiny of Vojvodina and it could dicuss, and even make proposals such as the one offered by the Group of independent Deputies. Of course, the problem is that the puppet leadership of the Assembly of Vojvodina has neither authorization nor the guts for anything of the kind unless ordered otherwise.

It is interesting though that the proposal of the Independent Group fared better than the demand for annexation of the supporters of Greater Serbia. It did not get a much larger number of votes, but there were less of those who voted against it, that is, there were much more (about 30) of deputies who abstained or were confused. Many were obviously completely taken by surprise because the proposal differed from anything offered so far. The text of the PROPOSAL FOR FEDERAL AUTONOMY OF VOJVODINA AND BARANJA presented by the President of the Group of Independent Deputies, Mile Isakov, reads as follows: "The Group of Independent Deputies for Vojvodina proposes that the Assembly of the Autonomous Province of Vojvodina puts as an urgent matter on its agenda the initiative for formation of federal autonomy of Vojvodina with Baranja based on the principle of double federalism, that is, that Vojvodina and Baranja associated in a unit, form a federal autonomous province, and at the same time that each of them remains a federal unit in their respective republics - Vojvodina in Serbia, and Baranja in Croatia. Both these republics would guarantee this federal autonomy based on joint historic, economic and cultural traditions and multiethnic similarities and interests. Such a solution would be a great contribution to resolving of the existing crisis and war on the territory of former Yugoslavia, a means against ethnic cleansing and for resolving the issues of refugees, for prevention of new conflicts and it would be a form of normalization and development of good neighbourly relations between Serbia and Croatia. The Group of Independent Deputies for Vojvodina is ready to invest maximum of its efforts and help in precise defining and finding expert arguments for this proposal in preparations for the Assembly which would discuss it".

Even on the basis of such a short explanation much could be anticipated, but just as much remains vague and understated. There will obviously be no discussion in the Assembly, at least not in the near future, but it is also obvious that exactly for that reason the Independent Deputies have not said everything they had on their minds, just as it is obvious that they are keeping their best trump cards for later. Of course, this served for different speculations such as "who is behind it", and the assumptions range from suggestions that this is an offer for a retreat to Tudjman and Milosevic from an impasse they have got into, through insinuations that this leads to disintegration of Yugoslavia and that Yugoslav Associated Leftists (JUL) are behind to, to the already sterotyped accusations of treason of the Serb people in Baranja and a new international conspiracy. To all that, Mile Isakov answers jokingly: "Noone stands behind us, but the State Security Service".

Nevertheless, the rumours are to a certain extent understandable, because it really is unusual that such a small group of deputies considers such a large issue, and even dares give its opinion and proposal on it. Such impudence to meddle in serious state affairs, which are in rump Yugoslavia reserved for one man alone, must have annoyed not only the establishment, but the opposition too, whose activity in the Yu-crisis, in a manner perhaps unawares adopted from the regime, could be brought down to declaration of stances in favour or against certain international initiatives. Truly enough, apart from the quite abstract concept of Vuk Draskovic for Bosnia, the so-called "Leopard's Skin", noone from Yugoslavia has ever offered any constructive plan for resolution of the crisis. It could all be generally brought down to either too principled choices for or against the war, for or against ethnic cleansing or recognition of newly established states, or patial solutions of some of the burning problems, such as the demand for interruption of bombing of Dubrovnik or Sarajevo, for instance. Probably for that reason too, this somewhat more specific proposal caught so much attention, although it too suffers from isufficiently elaborated possibility of effectuation of this, at first sight, interesting idea.

Especially for AIM, which he regularly contributes to, colleague journalist, Mile Isakov, as one of the authors of the proposal, verifies that this is true, but explains also that his Group of Independent Deputies thought that it was neither enecessary nor possible to provide a more comprehensive and detailed elaboration for the occasion, because this was only an initiative for a discussion, just a demand to have this issue put on the agenda.

• After all, we knew it would not be adopted - Isakov says, and adds: - It was more our demand to start considering all these matters, in this or a similar way, but in any case in a completely different way than it was customary so far. We, as a group, have neither ambitions, not the obigation to give final and completely defined solutions. This is just an idea, a possibility for interruption of the conflict and ethnic cleansing, for return of refugees and creation of conditions for easing the tensions and normalization of relations between Serbia and Croatia, as well as a proposal to open a public discussion about it. If we were given the opportunity to talk about it, we would bring forward our views how it should and how it would be possible to effectuate this, but an open and constructive conversation would probably bring new ideas and possibilities, which we might not have had in mind until now. That is why we did not wish to have the idea completely rounded off and that is why we demanded a discussion about it. That is what assemblies and assembly debates are for, to reach the best solutions through a dialogue with valid arguments, with no prejudice and predetermined solutions which must be adopted. We do not claim that our idea is the best, but we know that it was conceived in good intentions and that, in absence of other initiatives of the kind, it deserves a discussion in which it would be either rejected or supplemented. We are convinced that the Assembly of Vojvodina, just as that of Serbia and Yugoslavia, has without excuse been disqualified to discuss such significant, fateful state affairs, and we believe that Vojvodina itself, with its traditional tolerance, perhaps has the greatest credibility to be engaged in reducing interethnic and religious tensions and in normalization of relations among the former Yugoslav republics, especially with Baranja which it formed a unity with before joining Yugoslavia in 1918. If we had been together before Yugoslavia was created, maybe it would be possible and even logical after it ceased to exist.

Isakov obviously avoids to speak about the details of the plan, but he repeats that the Group of Independent Deputies is ready for a dialogue with everyone who is interested and that, regardless of the rejection of the Assembly to discuss it, it will initiate a public debate through the media and other forms of activities, expecting primarily help from experts for international law on the possibilities of effectuation of such an idea from the aspect of international norms and former experience in the world. He is just suggesting ideas at random which have not been fully elaborated or systematized within the Group of Deputies yet. They will do it, he says, after consultations with more people of profession, experience and respectability. For the time being, they are just considering that the new federal or double autonomy should be a demilitarized and if possible tariff-free zone, perhaps even divided into regions of Srem, Banat, Backa and Baranja, which would then be three-level autonomy and which could even include the model of personal autonomy supported by the Hungarians from Vojvodina, and thus become the model for resolving the crisis on the territory of ex-Yugoslavia and the nucleus for associations in the Balkans, according to the model of the European Union.

• I have recently listened to a lecture on the theory and practice of a peaceful solution of conflicts and learnt just the fundamental thing, that it is best to begin resolving the conflict from what is easiest to resolve - Isakov says and concludes: - Baranja and Vojvodina are neither Knin Krajina nor Kosovo, nor Bosnia.

It is difficult to decide what is easiest to resolve in this terribly complex war of ours, it is questionable even whether there is anything in it that could be said to be the easiest, but one must begin from somewhere.

Aleksandar Dotlic