RESISTANCE MOVEMENT

AIM, Skopje, April 6, 1995

The fact that several days ago, some hundred and fifty of the so-called bankruptcy workers have shut themselves up in the once prestigious and now quite dilapidated department store "Skopjanka", trying to procure their alleged or real rights for themselves from the authorities, does not disturb absolutely anybody in the capital of Macedonia. Just as the workers from the Kumanovo industries who about the same time forced their way past strong police forces into the factory that used to be theirs until recently, did not cause any concern. Such phenomena have become part of everyday life in Macedonia a long time ago. They simply predict the possibility of acute social upheavals and at the same time suggest deep lack of understanding for the processes going on in the Macedonian society, but testify to the existence of a widespread "resistance movement" against the announced radical cuts into essential issues of social development.

Such state of affairs forced the young Prime Minister, Branko Crvenkovski, to appear twice in the past seventy days of his rule with very ambitious policy statements in front of the deputies of the Assembly of Macedonia. The second time, the Prime Minister was assisted by four ministers from his cabinet, which gave the performance a highly dramatic form, and the objective was to literally convince not only the Assembly, but primarily the entire Macedonian public that it is necessary to follow the chosen road. The context was imbued by a threatening foreboding that, should the proposed reforms be rejected, the country would be thrown at least ten or even more years back. Social reform actually means continuation of the already initiated process of privatization of enterprises which are still collectively owned. Despite a notable support in the media, this job is not proceeding too well, and obviously is lagging behind the planned schedule. Parallel to this process, restructuring is planned of 25 greatest "losers" among the largest and most significant enterprises, but also financial rehabilitation primarily of the economy bank and total reconstruction of the banking system. The general impression is however, that the attempt of the quintet from the Government did not achieve the set task.

Mildly speaking, restraint in relation to the reform package was manifested even by those deputies in the parliament who in the majority belong to the same party programs as the Prime Minister and his ministers. It seems that they too are afraid of thorough cuts in the sphere of ownership structure and brutal consequences such cuts could cause in the social sphere. If nothing else, the almost unbearable number of unemployed, and some assessments speak of almost one quarter of the working age population, would be joined by a new host of people, also according to some assessments, of about 18 thousand workers who would be left without jobs and salaries.

Even if one presumed that Crvenskovski will manage to "convert" the internal opposition, primarily the party activists of the ruling Social Democratic Alliance he personally is the head of, and maybe even win some of the coalition partners for the reform ideas, the fact remains that it will be very difficult for him to obtain the approval of the public, least of all the general consensus he appeals for. At the moment, no matter how painful it may be for the Macedonian authorities, and with no ambitions to pass any judgement, one must point out to the fact that local Albanians, therefore according to the last census, almost a quarter of the population, have more urgent matters to attend to. The Albanian population is not too interested in the ideas about reform, since its participation in the so-called social economy is comparatively small, almost negligible.

The greatest and sometimes even unconcealed resistance to the ideas about reforms is offered by two very powerful bastions which some may consider anachronistic, but must not disregard as a zero after the decimal point. It is the Chamber of the Economy and the trade union organization which, in accordance with some other processes, has remained somewhere in the middle of its emancipation from the former Trade Union Confederation. The powerful managers' club associated in the Chamber, obviously does not wish to take chances and expose its once taken posts to the storm of new and uninvestigated relations. The old ways, well-paved roads and verified relations are given priority to the adventure of investigating and staggering along new paths.

Directors of some of the great enterprises, about 30 of them, were not long ago severely criticized, for having gone, to the astonishment of the authorities and a part of the public, on a business excursion to Belgrade where, despite the sanctions or thanks to the sanctions, they talked about some new deals. They have, of course, earned numerous (dis)qualifications which imply daily political connotations, but the most prominent assessment of all is the one that they have in this way chosen the "Serb-Russian" model of society. Whatever that might mean, it might not be completely unfounded, and time will show who is right about it. It is, after all, difficult to hide the fact that the Orthodox pilgrimage to the shining future has its fifth columnists and that the number of serious people who are secretly glancing towards the East is not small. Both literally, and figuratively. A recently published column in the weekly Puls which some say is close to the Government, caused absolute consternation in some intellectual and political circles, when referring to some specific business arrangements and undoubted prospects of economic cooperation with Russia in relation to the false promises made by the USA, it recommended turning "towards the East".

Even if the acting of the Chamber of the Economy towards the oncoming reform could be called a white strike, when speaking of the "independent" trade union, we are dealing with a true strike. The association of trade unions addressed a letter to the state leadership containing very explicit threats. The trade union epistle includes also the demand for prompt suspension of all reform laws, interruption of bankruptcy proceedings and return of workers from closed enterprises back to work. It, naturally, does not say where. It also demands regular, even if necessary equal payments of pensions. On the contrary, they threaten with general strike. Although it is hard to assess whether this association is influential enough to play such a big role, which even its leadership was not able to verify until now, although all time limits have expired, threats of the people from the trade unions are not to be underestimated. They are flirting with existential needs which annul all interests in social changes. In fact, this is a case of revival of the logic of state economy and establishment of the philosophy of equal stomachs. Theoretically, of course, one could speak of a transparent social demagogy based on seductive egalitarianism. Practically, however, one cannot but wonder, should the reform fail which would not be very unusual in view of so much opposition to it, could a certain group of people reintroduce the old way of thinking and living under the slogan of social justice (or something similar).

BUDO VUKOBRAT