A BUNDLE OF EMPTY WORDS

AIM, ZAGREB, February 12, 1995 After almost a year since signing of the Washington Agreement, the B&H Federation is still just a piece of paper signed by representatives of the Croats and the Muslims pressured by the United States of America. The Agreement so far resulted in the interruption of severe Croatian-Muslim conflicts, but almost nothing else has been done since to implement what was signed. Last week, the American diplomat, Halbroke, summoned high officials of the Federation and foreign ministers of the Croat and the Bosnian Governments to Munich. At the same time and in the same place, representatives of the Contact Group for Bosnia-Herzegovina met. The American initiative came in the last minute: an alarming signal came from Central Bosnia, especially in the Mostar region, threatening with the possibility of renewed conflicts between the Croats and the Muslims.

In Mostar which was expected to be the "crystallizing point" of the Federation, there were too many excitements in the past month, so that the city on the Neretva river found itself again in the focus of attention due to undoubted effect events in it have on development of Croat-Muslim relations in general. The European administrator, Hans Koschnik, was the man who sounded the alarm, warning that things could get out of hand and not only "mine" the whole process of federalization and Europeization, but even return things back to a standstill wherefrom it would be very difficult or even impossible to repeat what has already been accomplished.

The relations between the Croats and the Muslims in the "city of dangerous living" have for quite some time been strained like a wire between war and peace. The fiasco experienced by Koschnik's team in the attempt to organize a chess tournament in Hotel Ero showed it best. Optimistic ideas of the European staff were frustrated by policemen of the so-called Herzeg-Bosnia who refused to admit chess players from the Eastern river bank into the hotel. After policemen of the European Union insisted, a fight broke out which the Europeans got the worst of, according to unofficial sources, and chess was abandoned for the time being until some more peaceful times.

A hasty visit of a delegation of the Croat Government also showed how serious the Mostar situation was. After a tiresome Asia tour, the delegation travelled to Mostar in a hurry to talk to Koschnik and the local Croat authorities about the problems of Europeization of the city and implementation of the Washington Agreement. Judging by the composition of the delegation, this was treated as a first-rate political event, exceptionally important for Croat policy in B&H, but for Croatia as the mentor and supervising authority of that policy too. The Croat delegation repeated the subject matter from Washington to its hosts, promising once again to offer support to the policy of cooperation between the Croats and the Muslims. Quite an unconvincing attempt to reject Hans Koschnik's accusations was made concerning the guilt of the Croat party for the division of Mostar, by a philosophic explanation that that guilt was never exclusively on one side, and that difficulties, although great, were not insurmountable. The visit of the high Croat officials, despite numerous pleasant words, proved to have changed nothing. The guests from Zagreb refused to sign the agreement on joint police, due to which the European Union had already protested with the European Parliament. The enterprise "Dalekovod" which was in charge of electric power network repair, left the city without having even removed mines from accesses to joint transmission-line pylons. Apart from a heap of fine words and promises, instead of the assistance he required, Koschnik again got - nothing.

Tensions in the city again exceeded the limits of supportability several days after the departure of the representtives of the Croat Government, when an exit from the deadend street seemed to have finally been found. Extraordinary security measures were introduced around the seat of the EU administration, and confirmation of the strained situation came from the EU ambassador, Klaus Metcher, who expressed pessimism on the eve of the new Zubak-Ganic summit saying that the situation in the city was similar to that of April 1993, the period of severest Croat-Muslim conflicts. This time, the reason for this were the arrests of several army officers and civilians in both parts of the city.

Exchange of prisoners was agreed at the Zubak-Ganic meeting, and that the issue of electric power supply for the Eastern part of Mostar be resolved at a separate meeting of those responsible for it. Judging by the Mostar experience, it seems to be just another agreement in a row which will most probably be futile. Namely, after six months of European administration, the situation in the city is almost identical to what it used to be last year. In the Western, Croat part, trade is flourishing, people shop, go out to modernly designed cafes. The Eastern part is still in ruins, still without electric power and water supply, and the food is purchased from parked trucks. Terrorism is incessant on the Croat side. Since signing of the Washington Agreement in Western Mostar, there were 17 unclarified murders, two elderly women were killed a while ago, and Muslim families are still evicted from their houses and apartments. All that after Koschnik's regulation on eviction came became valid.

Successes of Koschnik's team are few: after long negotiations, construction of the Customs Bridge was agreed, which would link the Croat and the Muslim side, and with no problems a design for a bridge in Potoci was made, which will connect two Croat sides, and its construction is expected to begin in March. Apart from resolving minor municipal problems, such as cleaning of streets, cooperation in the struggle against mice and rats, these are the few examples of successful cooperation between the two parties. The European Union invested enormous sums of money, but the Eastern part of the city is still with no power supply only because removal of mines from literally two square metres around an electric post has been delayed for months. Similar examples of subversions of the efforts of the European Administration by the Mostar HDZ are not rare. The Croat party strives to create the impression that joint life of the two nations is impossible. Croat authorities are manifesting it more and more frequently, and one of the examples is a recent statement of the Croat foreign Minister, Mate Granic, who said, not long after the promises made to Koschnik, that the best solution for Mostar was to divide the city, that is, to establish two municipalities in it.

The international community is aware that the collapse of the Boshniak-Croat federation would irreversibly destroy the peace plan for Bosnia-Herzegovina, and it therefore spares neither pains nor money to strenghten and consolidate it. The Contact Group managed to determine a joint stance on the Federation in Munich, and a program of nine items was elaborated. On the model of Mostar and its European administration, Sarajevo is planned to get an administrator who would be in charge of mediating in resolving controversies. A standing committee would assist him in it and it would also supervise development of the Federation. Experts for constitutional law would help in establishing institutions of the Federation, and international organizations should enable the return of the refugees. Instantaneous reactions to possible tensions is also planned, and training of Federation officials at special seminars. Representatives of the Croats and the Muslims in Munich confirmed once again that they had not abandoned the project of the Federation and its principles, adopting wholeheartedly the program which was intended to accelerate its establishment. The controversies which were, according to what they claimed, the result of different interpretations of the Agreement, would be resolved by an arbitration committee in the future. Limiting the space for mutual accusations in this way, the international community has exerted pressure on both parties to begin implementation of the Agreement. After that, it will be clearer which is really disputable - its interpretation or its contents.

BRANKA VUJNOVIC