DIVISIONS IN THE B&H PRESIDENCY

THE WAR BETWEEN THE AUTHORITIES AND THE OPPOSITION

BEGINS

AIM SARAJEVO, February 1, 1995

The latest publicly expressed fears of the ruling Party of Democratic Action that the Bosnian & Herzegovinian opposition was secretly preparing a coup-d-etat, proved not to be totally unfounded. Namely, for the first time since the outbreak of war conflicts in B&H, the opposition, suprisingly coordinated and united, started a decisive battle with the authorities, the outcome of which might mean precisely : depriving the one-party usurping and national monopolizing of state institutions of legitimacy.

The first step was made by the opposition members who have, for two years now, by their participation in the government (un)consciously been rendering support to the local power-holders in their declarative promotion of a unified and civil state of B&H, but actually of the further territorial division of the nation. Five members of the B&H Presidency - Dr.Tatjana Ljujic-Mijatovic, Dr.Nijaz Durakovic, Dr.Ivo Komsic, Dr.Mirko Pejanovic and Stjepan Kljujic - as members of the Supreme Military Command addressed the public with a joint statement distancing themselves from the ideologization and instrumentalization of religion in certain B&H Army formations:

"This process is going on without our participation and despite our warnings. We remain convinced that the army, which is defending and shall preserve the state of B&H in future, has to be secular and multi-national, outside all influences and contests of political parties. The B&H Army was formed from the resistance to the aggression and was created by all patriots. They were mobilized by neither a political - party, nor religious association, but rather by their responsibility towards the state and homeland, and their eternal pledge to freedom and the preservation of their existence...It is in that context that we point out that no one has a monopoly over patriotism and the liberation struggle, and that any reduction of the general people's front and struggle reduces chances for the liberation of the country and the building of a new democratic society".

As the quoted statement was not signed by the other two members of the collective head of state, Alija Izetbegovic - President of the Presidency, and Ejup Ganic - who likes to be addressed as Vice-President of the Presidency - although such a function does not exist at all, it is more than clear that their colleagues are dissasociating themselves precisely from these two. Although the cause for the public address of the five Presidency members refusing any responsibility for the developments in the army formations was Izetbegovic's and Ganic's enthusiasm with the lining up of Moslem formations of the B&H Army into ranks, it is increasingly clear that behind the publicized division in the B&H Presidency there is a major coordinated action of the B&H opposition parties.

Namely, a day before the public distancing of the "Group 5" from the Presidency, a brief statement, also of five opposition parties (the Union of the Social Democrats of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Social Democratic Party, the Croat Peasant Party, the Republican Party and the Moslem Bosniac Organization) also appeared in the public thus confirming the rumors that the B&H opposition was secretly working on the uniting of their activities. Still, their statement claims that "many deviations in the functioning of the political system have put under question the civic character of B&H, as well as the founding options expressed in the Platform of the B&H Presidency". After that follows the statement that the opposition will act in a coordinated manner in all future debates on essential issues and that it shall demand equal treatment by the media. Judging by this statement, there is no doubt as to an association of interests among the opposition, while judging by the demand for equal promotion in the media, the next step could be an attack on the bastion of the SDA rule - the B&H state Radio and Television.

However, after two days of silence, which they probably used for reexamining their reply to the opposed five from the Presidency, Alija Izetbegovic and Ejup Ganic came out. Denying all allegations because of which the five dissasociated themselves from the Presidency, Izetbegovic and Ganic, after the well known fashion of national leaders who always know what "their" people think, began with the claim that the "statement of the five members of the Presidency on the alleged ideologization and instrumentalization of religion in some B&H Army formations had provoked negative reactions in the greater part of the public and army and met with public protests and condemnation"!?

Regarding the statement itself they say that "it is unfounded and that reverse thinking is in question". According to Izetbegovic and Ganic, at issue are not the ideologization and instrumentalization of religion, but the manifestation of religion, which is and shall be free everywhere, including the Army", while no mention is made of the free manifestation of religion on the part of other confessions in the B&H Army, the number of which in these formations is not insignificant.

Alija Izetbegovic and Ejup Ganic recall in their reply (or defence) the tragedy of the Moslem people in this war, which should once again serve as an instrument of protection, primarily of party interests:

"It is undisputable that one of the aggressor's objectives was precisely the destruction of faith as the basic identity and spiritual support of the Bosnian people, who was the target. Over 800 mosques were pulled down in Bosnia. The emphasis laid on religion in certain formations, particularly those composed of the population expelled from their homes, is often a spontaneous reaction to this unprecedented obliteration of religious landmarks (mosques, mazars, etc.) and easy to understand".

However, the cry at the end of their statement "Let us count the graves! Those who are fighting, working and dying for this country shall decide on its destiny!" is a clear message that as leaders of the national party, and not equal members of the Presidency, Izetbegovic and Ganic understood the dissasociation of five of their colleagues as a gauntlet thrown into their face. Thereby the war in the Presidency itself was publicly announced and can hardly be papered over painlessly. The fate of B&H crucially depends on its outcome.

Izetbegovic and Ganic still have a lot working for them: monopoly over practically all state, economic and social institutions, as well as radical methods of coercion at their disposal. The opposition and its representatives in the Presidency have on their side the growing dissatisfaction of the citizens of B&H, the absence of progress in implementing peace agreements, but also the legal methods which they command in their capacity of collective head of state.

Although it is unreasonable and unrealistic to expect, at the next session of the B&H Presidency, the five of them to swiftly vote out of office the former President, whose one year term of office has been running for the fourth winter now, the establishment of a shadow cabinet on which there are increasing informal speculations, could be the upshot of the ferment on the Bosnian political scene.

DRAZENA PERANIC