NEW BOSNIAN-CROATIAN MISUNDERSTANDINGS

WHICH IS SUPERIOR, THE REPUBLIC TO THE FEDERATION, OR VICE VERSA?

AIM, SARAJEVO, September 13, 1994

News came from the "Croatian" part of Mostar during the weekend: some irresponsible young men of still unknown identity made an assasination attempt on Hans Koshnik, the EU Administrator in Mostar. This shot fired in Mostar exceeded the limit of dissatisfaction with the slow implemenation of the Washington agreement on the establishment of the B&H Federation. The attempt on Koshnik's life took place in the place where the agreement on cessation of the war between the Croats and the Bosnians can best be tested.

After a period of satisfaction with the end of the war between these two nations, many weaknesses and delays in the implementation of what has been agreed are now starting to show. The essential question is which state operates in this space - the Republic of B&H, internationally recognized, but with 70 per cent of the territory held by Karadzic's Serbs and unrecognized by the Croats in Herzegovina, or the Federation B&H which generally does not operate at all but, at least, a desire exists on both sides, they claim, that it should. The issue is further complicated by the fact that the so-called Croatian republic of Herzeg-Bosnian still endures although just semi-officially.

The Washington agreement formed the Federation, but at the same time it left the possibility of the survival of the Presidency which would still represent the integral B&H, at least formally. Which is superior? The Federation to the Republic or the Republic to the Federation? Croatian politicians prefer the first, and the Bosnian the latter variant. Such diffrent interpretations, among other, lead to numerous misunderstandings which, combined with the still unstable situation in the field, may very well lead even to a new war.

New misunderstandings in Bosnian-Croatian relations reached their climax in the interview of the President of the Republic of B&H, Alija Izetbegovic, to Split journal "Slobodna Dalmacija" when he accused the Croatian party for delaying the implementation of the Constitution of the Federation and gave many examples of violation of the agreed and various "Croatian embezzlements" which were whispered about before, but were not publicized in order to preserve the alliance. The very next day, the President of the Federation of B&H, Kresimir Zubak, retaliated - he denied Izetbegovic's allegations and stated new accusations. The one that the Bosnian authorities mobilize Croats for the Army of B&H and thus force them to move from this space, echoed most loudly in Sarajevo.

Skirmishing on the highest level started an avalanche of accusations among various party officials, presidents of municipalities, causing, of course, an increase of political, but military tensions, as well. These misunderstandings are, however, best reflected in the two certainly most relevant cities, when speaking of coexistence of the two nations - in Mostar and Sarajevo.

In fact, there is no such thing as coexistence in Mostar, the city is practically completely divided, much more so than Sarajevo. The demarcation line cuts the streets in the centre of the city, which is completely illogical and absurd just like this entire war. The population is formed of the Bosnians and the Croats, each nation on its own side of the city, and there are practically no more Serbs in the city. The Bosnian part is in a considerably more difficult situation. There are by far more refugees there, and there have been incomparably more demolitions. Inconfidence and hatred are still present, as both domestic and foreign visitors conclude. In such a situation, the accusations coming from the very top of the political leadership put additional strain on the already difficult situation. Croatian media carried that Radio Mostar located in the "Bosnian" part of the city, played the Croatian national anthem mixed with braying of a donkey. The Croats did not fail to answer and sang a Muslim prayer but introduced vulgar words which are offensive for the Muslims. Such events could have been classified in the category of extremely vulgar practical jokes, had there not been an exchange of machine-gun fire along the demarcation line afterwards.

In Sarajevo, where few Croats lived even before the war (about 7 per cent), but they have always been the intellectual elite and held important positions especially in the sphere of science and culture, nowadays they are not to be found there anymore. But, since Sarajevo is the capital of both the Republic and the Federation B&H, Croatian federal politicians have come to live there. As the eyes of the world are fixed upon Sarajevo, any misunderstanding or injustice that happens there reflects further. Therefore, the Croatian part of the population in the capital welcomed the establishment of the Federation with great enthusiasm, but with disappointment as well because of the slow implementation of the Washington agreement. This is not what they had hoped for. The major problem is that the Croats think that Sarajevo is not sufficiently a Croatian city. The Serbs in Sarajevo do not give their opinion about this, but some Bosnians mention that "the Croats enjoy full equality here contrary to places controlled by the HVO where the mosques have been burnt down and the Muslims are not allowed any political activities". The quotation is from a session of the Bosnian SDA.

In this context, the Croats experienced cancellation of the Pope's visit with exceptional disappointment, because it would have meant great satisfaction of their wish for an increased political influence in the city. The fear of losing identity led the Catholic church to open an elementary, a grammar and a secondary medical school. This decision of the theological seminary and the approval of the Ministry of Culture which authorized this act, caused a wave of criticism of civic media and institutions. The national ones were silent, which can be interpreted as a wish to do something similar on the Bosnian side.

And yet, in a conversation with many Croats one can detect plenty of optimism - that everything will be alright here if the war ends and if implemementation of the Washington agreement really starts. Therefore, there are two big IFs. Vice Prime Minister of the Federation, Jadranko Prlic, who is also the President of the so-called Herzeg-Bosnia, also advises something like that in his answer to the question if he had a message for the Croats living in Sarajevo published in the latest issue of the journal "Hrvatska rijec": "Let them be patient and let them believe. There is no reason now when they have endured for two and a half years to be lead into temptation and leave this city." Similar messages can be heard from politicians of other nationalities as well.

Everything seems to be somehow similar in this war, but slow as well.

RADENKO UDOVICIC