REFUGEES FROM NO-MAN'S LAND

Zagreb Sep 4, 1994

AIM, ZAGREB, September 2, 1994

For almost two weeks now at least 25 thousand denizens of Velika Kladusa and its surroundings have been in exile in the occupied parts of Banija and Kordun, i.e. in UNPA Sector North in Croatia. The first refugees started crossing the Bosnian-Herzegovinian border the weekend before last, when the B&H Army was triumphantly completing its liberation of the Cazin Krajina by entering the seat of its until recent ruler - Velika Kladusa. In only two days, during Saturday and Sunday, over 20 thousand people, according to the Croatian media, crossed the border between Bosnia & Herzegovina and Croatia. A day or two later the public in Croatia was already operating with the figure of 60 thousand refugees from the Cazin Krajina, with Abdic's supporters in Croatia - representatives of the Moslem Democratic Party - were the ones who insisted on such high figures. At the same time, the United Nations claimed that the number of refugees from the region of Velika Kladusa had stabilized after two-three days at 25 to 30 thousand people. The Croatian Government at once resolutely reacted to the refugee wave from the toppled autonomy of Western Bosnia with a decision of not to allow them to enter Croatia.

After the closing of Croatia's borders, humanitarian organizations, primarily the UNHCR, hastily started making arrangements for the accommodation and provision of basic necessities in the UNPA Sector North for several tens of thousands of people of Velika Kladusa and its surroundings, who had thus "forcibly" become the "guests" of the Krajina Serbs, whose leaders had until only yesterday been military allies of Abdic (also known as "Babo") in the fights against the B&H Army. At the beginning the refugees were stationed at three points - according to UNHCR data, about 15 thousand people found shelter at a former poultry farm in Batnoga, near Cetingrad, 7 thousand in the Staro Selo camp south of Topusko, and about three thousand of them stayed on the road between Tusilovic and Turanj.

This last group found refuge in the abandoned and demolished houses, cars or under tents. And, according to the UNHCR representatives, after almost two weeks the number of refugees from the Velika Kladusa region was still something below 30 thousand. The temporary camp in Staro Selo is closed, so that now about 16 thousand refugees are accommodated in Batnoga, and about 10 thousand of them in various makeshift shelters in Turanj, the border point between UNPA Sector North and free Croatian territory. The Croatian media keep citing different figures - a "Vijesnik" journalist claims that in Batnoga there are 32 thousand people, and 9 thousand in Turanj, while the additional 10 thousand refugees are in the region along the road leading from Plitvice to Tusilovic. Representatives of the Velika Kladusa refugees also operate with similar figures - they told a journalist of the "Feral Tribune" that 35 people were in Batnoga and an additional 20 thousand in the Turanj region.

Representatives of the Bosnian & Herzegovinian Government immediately reacted to the exodus from the area of Velika Kladusa by calling the inhabitants to return to their homes. They gave full guarantees for the security of the life and property of everyone. In this they had the whole-hearted support of UNPROFOR, whose military and civilian experts assured the public that only a day after Velika Kladusa had fallen, peace had come to reign, the B&H Army had withdrawn from the town and that the civil authorities had assumed power. The "blue helmets" also assured that the destruction to civilian facilities in the entire Cazin region, including Velika Kladusa had been minimal.

At the same time, in the first few days after the Western Bosnia autonomy fell, the Croatian media continued to devote a lot of space to its leaders, denying the claims of the Bosnian & Herzegovinian Government and UNPROFOR. They claimed that the B&H Army had burned down all the villages up to Velika Kladusa and that the population of the capital of this former autonomous area had been massacred. But, several days after such statements, Abdic's supporters disappeared from the Croatian public scene. The change of Croatia's official policy vis-a-vis Fikret Abdic and his like-minded supporters was quite drastic - Armin Pohara, leader of the Moslem Democratic Party, which operated as Abdic's extended arm in Croatia - and Bozidar Sicel, President of the "Constituent Assembly of the Autonomous Province of Western Bosnia", ended their public life in Croatia, at least for the moment, because they were taken in and thoroughly interrogated by the Ministry of the Interior.

As return to Velika Kladusa did not start, despite Alija Izetbegovic's invitations and guarantees, representatives of the international community took over the task of persuading refugees to return to their homes. With a view to encouraging refugees to return, UNPROFOR made an agreement with the representatives of the Bosnian & Herzegovnian Government, according to which UN policemen are deployed in the area of Velika Kladusa. They are entrusted with the task of patrolling the area and preventing violence and violations of human rights. After having made the first rounds at the beginning of this week, the "blue" policemen confirmed that no houses had been destroyed in Velika Kladusa. For the same purpose, namely to persuade the refugees to return to their homes, the American Ambassador to Croatia, Peter Galbraith, visited Velika Kladusa. He witnessed the signing of the agreement between the B&H Government and the "blue helmets", which should ensure the safe return of the exiles from Velika Kladusa to their homes.

"The entire negotiating process rests on the assumption that the best solution for the refugees is to return and our visit to Velika Kladusa has confirmed that it is safe to do so", said Ambassador Galbraith. The agreement with the B&H Government contains eight articles. In addition to the supervision of the UN Civil Police over the observance of human rights, which is already being implemented, the agreement envisages amnesty for Abdic's soldiers and the officials of the former autonomous province, a "reconnoissance" visit of a refugee delegation to the area of Velika Kladusa under UNPROFOR protection, no drafting of military conscripts for a six-month period, including Abdic's soldiers and deserters from the B&H Army, and the setting up of a reception center for refugees in the area of Velika Kladusa, which would also be under UNPROFOR's surveillance for six-months.

This week, together with the UN Office of High Commissioner for Refugees, UNPROFOR continued persuading refugees from Velika Kladusa to return to their homes. To that end, talks were conducted with the Prime Minister of the so-called Krajina, Borislav Mikelic, who promised on that occasion that the Serbian local authorities would cooperate with the "blue helmets" in enabling the return of refugees and in objectively informing them on the situation in Velika Kladusa. There were also talks with the leader of the fallen autonomous province, Fikret Abdic, who made a promise to Sergio de Mello, Head of Civilian Affairs of UNPROFOR, to allow access to a UNHCR delegation to camps hosting refugees from Velika Kladusa and their delegation to visit Velika Kladusa to assure itself of the situation there on the spot. But, apart from these "minor" concessions, Abdic in principle did not depart from his previous position - or at least tried not to make his departure very conspicuous.

In the talks with the representatives of the Croatian Government organized by UNPROFOR at the beginning of this week, also attended by Ambassador Galbraith, Abdic said that he did not consent to the plan for the return of refugees proposed by the international community. In a statement for the paper "Vecernji List", made after the talks, Abdic explained that refugees would not return as "dictated by the Government in Sarajevo", but "only on the basis of agreement and conditions to be mutually suggested and accepted".

And while the deadlock between the fallen ruller of the Western Bosnian autonomy and international mediators continues, several tens of thousands of people find it hard to survive under improvised conditions. Apart from diseases

fortunately less serious for the time being, such as diarrhea - they are in danger from many still undiscovered mines, strewn on "no-man's land", a kilometer wide demilitarized zone along which their temporary homes are located. This week, a four year old girl was killed, when a mine exploded and a man lost a leg. The inhabitants from Velika Kladusa keep telling journalists who manage to get through to refugee camps, that they will return home only if "their Babo" orders them to do so. They do not believe in UNPROFOR's claims that the situation in Velika Kladusa is safe. That is why they, they say, only want Croatia to allow them transit to other European countries.

The Croatian Government, say its officials, is ready to do that. But, such transit is, nonetheless, hardly likely

at least for the time being, while "Babo" can still use "his people" here to try to wheedle a positive point or two for his lost political and military battles.

VESNA ROLLER