ARRESTS IN KOSOVO

Summary: What is behind the latests arrests of people who belong to the institutions of the parallel system in Kosovo? Is the intention of Serbian authorities to create preconditions, or a better initial negotiating position for a possible Serbian-Albanian dialogue?

Excerpt from the text

This should, at least, prove or explain the lack of readiness of Serbian authorities to establish a possible Albanian-Serbian dialogue as a dialogue of two states or systems. Such a dialogue, according to Serbian calculations, should be established only as a dialogue to take place within a single system - the Serbian system.

For days, unintetionally or not, Belgrade media in particular have been speculating about a "secret supper" in Swiss residence in Belgrade, where allegedly representatives of the Serbs and the Albanians met in order to arrange possible negotiations for resolving the issue of Kosovo. Although personalities of both parties publicly declared that they were not members of any groups formed for negotiations, the turmoil about the "joint supper" is still not calming down. On the contrary, connoisseurs of the circumstances in Kosovo are not surprised by a "parallel" action of the present Serbian authorities which have manifested in the past few days its "full power" and "level of organization". "Suddenly" towards the end of last month, arrests and raids became more frequent, which, contrary to those that have been happening for years and practically every day, had one thing in common: only people from the institutions of the political system of Kosovo were arrested. In the course of only two days, the police broke into the Prishtina University Assembly, the Kosovo Chamber of the Economy while they were in session, and the Red Cross of Kosovo during its election assembly, and arrested Ejup Statovci, the Dean of the Prishtina University, Jusuf Dedushay, President of the Kosovo Red Cross, and Ismail Kastrati, President of the Chamber of the Economy, as well as other members and activists of these institutions. For Ismail Kastrati and the Secretary of the Chamber of the Economy, Sulejman Ahmeti, custody of thirty days was determined and they are still under investigation. Pursuant to paragraph 1, Article 135, of the Criminal Law, they are accused of "association for the purpose of hostile activities", which is, by the way, in line with Article 116

• "endangering of territorial integrity". Only two days later, Mustafa Ibrahimi was also arrested, the man who was at the post of the President of the Managing Board of the Kosovo Chamber of the Economy, and who was indicted for the same as the mentioned two. The authorities obviously wish to show who is in charge, but they also obviously cannot understand that, regarding the fact that that the economy in Kosovo practically "does not exist any more", noone dares invest one's own means in more efficient operation of enterprises which a sigfnificant part of the Albanians who were once thrown out of work, could earn their living in again.

Almost all vital institutions in Kosovo exist according to this, "parallel" system. Yet, it is indicative that the people from the Chamber of the Economy were the ones arrested as responsible for creating the parallel system, and that they are accused pursuant to the most severe Article of the Criminal Law, which prescribes penalty from one up to ten years of prison. The situation becomes even more interesting, when one learns that, according to what those who have undergone "informative" talks lasting sometimes for several days, the police asked only for general information it must have had already, at least judging by the questions they put. After all, the activities of these institutions of the Kosovo Albanians is public, regardless of the conditions they operate in. But, taking into account these facts, it may be deduced that it was, after all, just part of the already tested tactics of "intimidating", and not real determination of the Serbian authorities in Kosovo to interrupt or block the operation of these institutions, least of all of the parallel system of the Albanians in Kosovo in general. If this was not the case, how is it possible that some much more important institutions of the political life of the Albanians were not targets of accusations pursuant to law, such as the Coordination Board of Albanian political parties or the institution of the President of the Republic of Kosovo, whose activities should logically cause greater concern of the Serbian authorities. All the more so, as they in fact do endanger the Serbian authorities in Kosovo by their operation, i.e. its "constitutional system" and "territorial integrity". The fact that the mentioned institutions were omitted could be interpreted by any layman as a codified message of the Serbian authorities.

Frequent information about new initiatives and readiness to negotiate of both parties in conflict, carried by foreign news agencies and media, convey a clear message: the public on both sides should be prepared for a possible future "green table". Some mention relieving of Milos Simovic of the duty of Chief of the District of Kosovo as a specific move of the Serbian authorities in that respect, who, among other, gave the orders to take the building of the Albanological Institute away from it, which was then reallocated to it by court decision in a litigation instituted by the Institute. Replacement of a politician who is by origin from Kosovo with another, Aleksa Jokic, who is by origin from Valjevo, might point to preparation of the ground for a more flexible and less radical policy than the one pursued so far (and still) by the Kosovo Serbs.

Starting of unconditional negotiations supported by the Albanians in Kosovo, always condition waves of repression and police "action". Such measures are known ever since the first Albanian-Serbian contact was established, chaired on the Serbian side by Vice-president of the Assembly of Serbia at the time, Budimir Kosutic, and on the Albanian, by Vice-president of the Democratic Alliance of Kosovo, Fehmi Agani. While that dialogue lasted, Serbian Government informed all international institutions that "talks about the problems of the school system in Kosovo have started". Although Kosutic had promised that he would not tamper with the Prishtina University, it was shut down soon after.

Therefore, experience shows that each move of the Serbian authorities is quite predictable, those with a keen sense of humour would say, like seasons of the year. The latest actions, with inevitable participation of the police, have shown again that the beginning of any Serbian-Albanian dialogue is conditioned - as a dilogue of unequal partners. This is also often interpreted as demonstration of real power versus the unrealistic one - of the Albanians in Kosovo. This is intended to prove or to point out that the Serbian authorities are not ready to enable that establishment of a possible Albanian-Serbian dialogue as a dialogue between two states or systems. According to Serbian calculations, the dialogue can be established only within a single system - that of the state of Serbia. Initiation of negotiations, whether public or secret, through half-information, or perhaps even, misinformation, will condition their actions against institutions of the political system in Kosovo. The status quo, in which the two parallel systems operate, so far resembled a silent consensus between the Serbs and the Albanians about mutual non-interception and non-interference. This should create an atmnosphere of the minimum of tolerance, until Kosovo finds itself at a negotiating table. Until then, one may count on operation of the institutions of the political system in Kosovo.

Astrit SALIHU AIM Prishtina

(5 pages)