THE SLOVENIAN POT ON THE CROATIAN STOVE

AIM, Zagreb, June 8, 1994

Summary:

After 20 months President Milan Kucan of Slovenia has met with his closest neighbour - President Franjo Tudjman, within the visit which he initiated by a question put to a European paper: "Why hasn't Croatia invited me to visit?" In the meantime, the relations between the two states have been burdened by several problems: the stay of the Croatian refugees in the Slovenian resort facilities in Istria, the unclear border line in the Bay of Piran, debts of the Ljubljanska banka to the Croatian depositors, the Slovenian attempt to isolate Croatia in terms of traffic. Some Slovenian media, which directly accuse the Croatian authorities of fascism, opposed Kucan's visit.

Although, according to Kucan, the talks were controversial at moments, and even hard Tudjman was most probably relieved in this difficult political situation, by the fact that they were realized at all. This, at least for the time being, silenced the critics, who rightfully asked what kind of policy was in question, if it was impossible to normally talk with one's first neighbour and a country which for Croatia is a way to Europe. However, Kucan lost nothing with this visit, but rather gained something. By his wise behaviour, although labelled by some as interference in the internal affairs of another state, he disassociated himself from the non-democratic character of the Croatian authorities and their war policy in Bosnia, at the same time fostering the alliance for a joint stance vis-a-vis the possible pretensions of Italy. Slovenia and Croatia remain economic and geopolitical competitors, while the "accumulated problems" are only a disguise for this animosity, for which neither the Slovenians nor the Croats are responsible, but rather history, and particularly geography.

At the moment when everything is boiling, sputtering and cracking from the heated pots on the Croatian political stove, some of which have already exploded and are threatening with a chain reaction, a "one-day visit of Milan Kucan to Zagreb" occurred. And so, although it was agreed that Kucan and Tudjman should meet at least once a year, they finally met after twenty months. The previous meeting was held on Brdo near Kranj in late 1992. At least as far as the Croatian side is concerned, it was an attempt to take the pot off the fire, but everything was clumsy and unfortunate from the very beginning.

Namely, Tudjman preoccupied with other worries, particularly those regarding Bosnia and "Krajina" completely "forgot" his obligation and given word, so that it was precisely Kucan himself who drew his attention to this fact on the pages of the "European Magazine" (one of the many new Zagreb papers) by asking "Why hasn't Croatia invited me to visit?" Only two to three days later, the Croatian official news agency HINA announced that the President of Slovenia has been invited to Croatia, and that the invitation had been accepted. However, all this was published before the invitation had been sent let alone arrived to Ljubljana, or Kucan had answered. With much diplomatic skilfullness, goodwill and understanding, this "minor misunderstanding" was papered over and June 7 determined as the date of Kucan's arrival to Zagreb.

In the meantime, so much had happened on the relation Zagreb - Ljubljana that there were serious doubts as to whether the visit would be realized at all or postponed. The relations grew tense over the issue of the Slovenian resort facilities in Istria where the Croatian authorities have accommodated refugees from Bosnia and Herzegovina, which the neighbouring state allowed, but the agreed deadlines have long ago expired. The Slovenians objected to the continued construction of the border crossing at Plovanija by the Croats, because it is still not known whose territory it really is. That is only a part of the well known story of the Bay of Piran and two interpretations concerning its division, which will, most probably be solved in the end through international arbitration. There were also other minor disagreements, such as the felling of forests in some other disputable regions, as well as the case of the Raskrizje district which is on Slovenian territory, but under the jurisdiction of the Zagreb diocese. The Croat side, on its part constantly raises the problem of the debts of Ljubljanska banka to Croat depositors, as well as Slovenia's attempts to isolate Croatia in transportation, refusing to include the Zagreb - Maribor motorway in its plan of priorities.

In addition, the Slovenian media exerted strong pressure on Kucan not to go to Croatia, while the leading daily "Delo" even directly accused the Croatian authorities of fascism. And while the Slovenia media space was full of criticism of Croatia, Croat journalists rarely responded to the challenge, probably thinking that it was, after all, a question of internal Slovenian affairs which they were trying to solve at someone else's expense.

But, Kucan himself, although publicly saying that he was dissatisfied with Croatia's behaviour, as well as with everything that was happening in Croatia, nonetheless decided to travel to the neighbouring state and his "natural ally". And that is how it was. But, after what the two Presidents stated about the talks, it seems that only a very small part of that enormous burden of Croat - Slovenian problems, of which many were unreasonably overblown, has moved from the standstill. A common feature of both statements is the estimate that it was good that the meeting was realized even after 15 (Tudjman's version) or 20 months (Kucan's version). Their second point is that "our statements and conclusions alone are not sufficient unless they are followed by specific deeds", and that the so-called transparent problems "should be resolved through the building of deeper economic relations, and not only through the development of trade".

By not going to Medvedgrad and by not laying a wreath on the "Altar of the Homeland", as the Romanian prime minister did only a day earlier, Kucan took a clear stance towards "certain" events in Croatia, and the fact that he held a lecture in the European House and asked to be received by Cardinal Kuharic, outside his official programme, even more tellingly shows that he did not want a mere protocolary visit. Namely, this was an opportunity to meet with the representatives of Croatian opposition parties, and to exchange opinions with Kuharic about the Bosnian-Herzegovinian crisis, but, on other issues as well, it is supposed. Kucan took advantage of this opportunity to speak about anti-fascism as the basis of European democracy, openly admitting that there are neofascists in Slovenia, but that they are only a sporadic phenomenon which cannot endanger Slovenia's options. The President of Slovenia also drew attention to the autism of the post-communist countries competing to present themselves in the best possible light, which was seen here both as self-criticism and as a message. The associations were clear: the most democratic constitution, the best economy, most democracy and everything else "superior" that Tudjman attributes to his regime.

Tudjman could not remain silent either so he said that the neofascist aspirations in Italy towards Croatian and Slovene territories call for the two states to mutually harmonize their policies. We hope - said Tudjman - that the Italian government will continue the democratic policy of the previous governments and good friendly relations with our states, but also, we cannot neglect the voices openly extolling fascism and everything that fascism brought as imperialism on the soil of Slovenia and Croatia.

Regrettably, it turns out that fascism is only imperialism, and that our domestic one, irrespective of whether it was imported and lectured on from abroad, is entitled to milder condemnation, and thus, naturally, to the kuna as the official Croatian currency, which is only the tip of the iceberge of the Ustashi burden which Tudjman has, without any cover whatsover, loaded on the backs of the Croatian people and state.

Croatia and Slovenia naturally are not in the same position, and these differences certainly must be recognized, but differences were also notable in some other statements on a similar subject. Tudjman, thus said that "when solving Croatian - Slovene relations, the specters of the renewal of Yugoslavia in this or that form must not be forgotten, because such attempts are present in some speculations of foreign factors". This was understood as a direct reply to Kucan's sentence that "friendly relations should be developed between Croatia and Slovenia, which would benefit not only the Slovenian and Croatian peoples, but also be a basis for the establishment of the new international order on the soil of the former Yugoslavia".

However, despite the fact that Tudjman probably cannot be satisfied with the results of the visit, because Kucan himself said that the talks were controversial at moments, and even hard, he was probably relieved in this difficult political situation because it took place at all. This, at least temporarily silenced the critics which justly asked what sort of a policy was it which could not normally talk even to its first neighbour and a country representing Croatia's entrance to Europe, in the most literal sense of the word at that. Nonetheless, Kucan lost nothing with this visit, but rather gained something. With his wise attitude, even though some may call it interference in the internal affairs of another state, he dissociated himself from everything which could compromise him, and additionally reinforced the alliance with a view to a joint stance towards Italy's possible pretensions.

It was a visit which did not remove the Slovenian pot from the Croatian political stove, perhaps it only reduced the heat, but however absurd and diplomatically phrased it may sound: everyone is satisfied. Speculations about who profited more are unnecessary, because the gains are indeed minute and this is no historic landmark or the turning of a new leaf.

Slovenia and Croatia remain economic and geopolitical rivals, where the "accumulated problems" are only a disguise for this basic animosity, for which neither the Slovenes nor the Croats, but history and especially geography are responsible.

GOJKO MARINKOVIC