MEDIA JUMBLE DESPITE THE WAR

Sarajevo Feb 22, 1994

Interview with Adil Kulenovic, Editor of the Sarajevo "Radio 99"

AIM, ZAGREB, February 19, 1994

The Sarajevo "Radio 99" and its magus Adil Kulenovic are becoming a synonym not only of the media resistance to nationalism, chauvinism, dictated journalism but also of the struggle for a civic Bosnia and Herzegovina. Kulenovic himself, once the key man for information of Durakovic's SDP, after that party ingratiated itself with the ruling option of Alija Izetbegovic comes into conflict with Durakovic, breaks contacts with the former communists and devotes himself to the young radio-station. Today, in his programme, he unsparingly, openly speaks about the causes of the war in B&H, on war profiteering and cashing in on patriotism, the aggression against B&H and also about Izetbegovic's nationalism and nepotism among the top ranks of authority. "Radio 99" becomes a rare spot, outside the three national oligarchies, where the Bosnian-Herzegovinian side, which did not want war - the citizens of B&H - can be heard. We talk about the media in Sarajevo with Adil Kulenovic, during his short outing from that hell, for the purpose of procuring equipment for the station.

AIM: The war in B&H introduced a new phenomenon - the maintenance of most of the old and the cropping up of new media in Sarajevo and outside it, despite the infernal conditions under which they operate. Almost all of them proclaim themselves independent.

Kulenovic: Yes, most media in Sarajevo are trying to get the message through to their public that they are in favour of a multi-ethnic, multi-confessional and multi-cultural Bosnia and Herzegovina, but that is more at the level of pure rhetorics than a genuine commitment. This is especially clear when it comes to supporting or not supporting the practical decisions of the ruling authorities, i.e. their moves in creating B&H as a true community of free people or rather creating a small Moslem state. The media which are, under the general guise of the struggle for a multi-ethnic B&H, striving, nevertheless, to underline the need for the possible creation of a Moslem republic, justify that mainly by force, by the circumstances and by the fact that this allegedly has to be done for the general good. In this, naturally, they forget the fact that politics is "politics" indeed when it brings things to a must.

AIM: Could you be more specific about these media?

Kulenovic: The most skillful in all this is, in my opinion, the "Oslobodjenje". It is a true para-statal medium which keeps a vigilant eye on every political move of the authorities, but not the authorities in the sense of the Presidency or the Assembly, but rather the personal decisions of individuals, which are then presented as the decisions of those bodies. The "Oslobodjenje" therefore in its editorial policy, follows the personal decisions of Alija Izetbegovic, Ejup Ganic or Haris Silajdzic favouring the creation of a Moslem republic in B&H. This daily has influence primarily on the political establishment and less among the readership, since its maximum circulation is only 2,000 copies.

The "Vecernje novine", the second daily in Sarajevo does not have such an outreach as the "Oslobodjenje" because of shortage of inputs, it comes out only every fourth day. Nevertheless, the "Vecernje novine", like the "Oslobodjenje" is trying, in this or that way, to present the so called Bosnian option, while in point of fact they are constantly balancing things, with the need of establishing a Moslem state tipping the scales. For instance, when the defense of the Republic is in question, all citizens, irrespective of nationality, are called upon from the pages of this paper, but when the future of B&H should be discussed, naturally in the context of a small Moslem state, priority is given exclusively to Moslems, while the others are treated as national minorities. Or take, for instance, the rigged polls in the paper. It publishes polls on the popularity of politicians, in which Izetbegovic or Silajdzic prominently figure, as a rule. Manipulations of the readership, to which the poll should, it seems, serve for forming their own opinion, along the lines "if others hold them in esteem, then I will too", are more than obvious. Methodologically incorrect, without any possibility of being checked, the polls are a powerful propaganda instrument of the ruling clique in Sarajevo, through which they attempt not only to affirm "their" people, but also to discredit the politicians still active in the opposition.

AIM: What about the other papers in Sarajevo, isn't there rather a large number of them for a town that has been under a blockade for so long?

Kulenovic: Many papers are started, several issues come out and then simply die out. Although they emphasise that their point of departure is an, let us call it, independent position, behind all of them there stands clearly visible capital. And that capital determines whose the paper is and its policy. For example, a paper has now appeared in Sarajevo whose director is one Saban, the owner of a super-market, a multimillionaire, in Deutsch Marks, of course. The director Saban needs the paper both for obtaining UNPROFOR's press card, with which one can go out of the Sarajevo hell and return to it "better prepared", and for wielding a degree of political influence to the extent suited to his business. The paper is called the "Sarajevo Times" and its imprimatur says that it will be printed in English also, that they have correspondent offices abroad and also that they are co-financed by a Swedish private businessman. In any case, this basically boils down to the petty capital of a number of Sarajevo businessmen who wish, in this time of misery, to turn an additional profit and establish themselves as a future media power, because in addition to economic, they will also have political power through their paper. Something similar happened to the "Blic", which stopped coming out, and which had brought together a good journalist team from the "Oslobodjenje", I suppose with the wish of presenting in this new paper the texts they could not print in the "Oslobodjenje". However, the owner of the paper was Cesko, the popular owner of supermarkets and cafes in Sarajevo. Thus, he "kept the paper alive" until he realized the intended gain. Then we have the "Narodne novine" , whose articles have, regrettably, declined in quality of late. Until recently, it carried a number of rather harsh criticisms of the existing authorities in Sarajevo, and quite a few exceptionally good articles and commentaries. But, the last issues turned into eulogies of Kerim Lusarevic, the President of the Civil Party which started the paper.

It was immediately clear that this was the only opposition paper, because it published what the others did not dare, i.e. all Alija Izetbegovic's "dirty linen". But, due to their glorification of Lusarevic who is not, objectively, a person with stronger political prospects, they turned into a propaganda party paper, with a narrow readership.

AIM: What about the former "Nasi dani", now better known as the "Ratni dani". It comes out rather regularly, doesn't it?

Kulenovic: In my personal opinion those behind the "Ratni dani", i.e. the ex-minister Alija Delimustafic and his brothers in Sarajevo and Vienna, to a large extent determine the editorial policy of the paper. Its ties with this lobby show that this paper is now in opposition to the present authorities which is very efficient in this period. Over the long run, this does not mean that the paper will retain such a position. It is not a matter of being linked with the position or the opposition, but of a genuine stance, the recognizable stance of every medium.

AIM: It has been known for a long time now that TV Sarajevo is, through its first man, Mufid Memija, in the service of Izetbegovic's Party. What is happening with it today?

Kulenovic: TV Sarajevo has become completely impotent. Apart from not being an important propaganda instrument anyway, because it broadcasts little due to the lack of electricity, its programmes are extremely non-creative even in terms of the objectives it sets for itself. The illusion that the idea on a joint B&H is still present on this TV, on account of several editors of different nationalities, is nevertheless only an illusion. In that house Mufid Memija harshly berates his workers if they broadcast anything not in line with the policy of convincing the people of the need for a Moslem republic. I know this for sure because of the case of colleague Senad Hadzifejzovic. Even when other members of the B&H Presidency are accorded the same treatment as Izetbegovic and his people, one gets, as we in Bosnia say "a rap on the knuckles".

On the other side the Sarajevo radio is still not as much "under the wing" of the authorities, as TV is. On the radio it is possible, from time to time, especially in the Sunday programme "The Open Microphone" with Boro Kontic, to hear different opinions and stances, very acceptable. But, other programmes are excessively coloured exclusively by the Moslem interpretation of Bosnia, from the music which only favours their folk music, i.e. censures the music of other peoples, to, it goes without saying, exclusivist commentaries. It is interesting to note that commentaries criticizing Milosevic's and Tudjman's policies are exceptionally good. However, because of the absence of the same criticism of Izetbegovic's moves, the programme cannot be assessed as positive.

AIM: The radio station "Vrh Bosne" also broadcasts in Sarajevo and the first number of the magazine "Stecak" has come out.

Kulenovic: The programmes of "Vrh Bosne" are very clear and coloured by the views of the Catholic church in B&H. Inasmuch as you are familiar with the stance of the Catholic church towards the war going on here, you are familiar with the programme of this station. In addition to the recognizable stance of the Bosnian Archbishopric, what is interesting on radio "Vrh Bosne" are live transmissions of radio Zagreb and the broadcasting of its news. However, as far as the "Stecak" is concerned, it is not completely clear whose influence is predominant, that of the Croat Cultural Society "Napredak" which founded it, or of the Church. Finally, the very name "Stecak" is controversial, as the Catholics in B&H are not the only ones who claim the right to "stecak" (standing tomb-stone), which is again a part of the Bogomilian past of the B&H, and such a metaphor goes far back into history, when we cannot exactly speak of the existence of Croats on this soil in the present-day meaning of the word.

DRAZENA PERANIC