In a Tight Spot
Now that the time has come for commitments made to be met, the prevailing mood among politicians from the so called "Macedonian block" can best be described in terms of a word often used in the local political jargon "pisman" - meaning driven to a corner
AIM Skopje, October 3, 2001
Media here are insisting that the next few days are likely to be decisive in finding solutions to a series of open questions. Will Sobranje (state parliament) pass an act calling for a referendum on the proposed changes of the Constitution, thus opening a second round of talks among leaders of the four major Macedonian parties focusing on possible alterations of the Ohrid Agreement such as, say, the possibility of keeping the key phrase "Macedonian people" in the preamble of the Constitution? Or, perhaps more significantly: will the government keep its promise of granting amnesty to the soldiers of the ethnic Albanian National Liberation Army (NLA) ?
At the moment, Macedonian leaders are still troubled by a dilemma: will an appropriate statement from the government suffice or is there call for an Amnesty Act to be passed by the Parliament? Stevo Penderovski, advisor to president Trajkovski, believes both options are in play: "The amnesty simply has to be granted since this is what we have committed ourselves to; if we are to be regarded as a reliable country, we have to honor our commitments," ran his statement given to Nova Makedonija. President Trajkovski lacks constitutional authority to put such a bill before the Parliament. Analysts believe that Prime Minister Georgievski and the representatives of the Macedonian parliamentary block are unlikely to undertake such a risky step, seeing that it may well be labeled as traitorous in the public. As it leaked out, during his visit to Skopje last week George Robertson suggested that the Interior Minister and the Public Prosecutor sign a joint statement proclaiming amnesty. This could only be interpreted as a joke since the number one Policeman in Macedonia enjoys the reputation of the leading "hawk" amongst the ranks of the "most Macedonian of all Macedonian parties" - the VMRO-DPMNE, while the Public Prosecutor belonging to the same flock hardly fits the description of a "dove" himself.
On the other side, the ethnic Albanian Party of Democratic Prosperity (PDP) says it has a ready solution to the problem: they have already drawn up a draft amnesty bill of their own and, if no one else acts, their parliamentary group will initiate the necessary parliamentary procedure. The PDP bill calls for four types of amnesty: that granted to NLA members against whom no legal proceedings have been instituted, those under investigation, those on trial and, finally, those already serving their prison terms. Only perpetrators of crimes under the jurisdiction of the Hague Tribunal are to be excluded from the proposed law.
In the meantime, very much in keeping with the spirit of heartbreaking Latin American soap-operas, the MPs have engaged themselves in a futile debate concerning the initiative of the feeble New Democracy calling for a referendum (only now!) on proposed constitutional reforms and the provisions of the Ohrid Agreement granting Albanians broader rights than ever before. In vain the objections coming from the international community that the signatures of the four major local political parties ought to represent a sufficient guarantee in themselves, since all party leaders as well as members of Parliament were elected by the people - or, are there perhaps reasons to believe that this was not the case?!...
Nor does it seem that much good lies in store for the proposed constitutional amendments. Since the opening of the public debate ten days ago, anyone considering himself qualified enough to take a stand on the issue - starting with lawyers, academicians and linguists up to historians and church dignitaries - has done so, keenly disputing the proposed act. This induced the Social Democratic Union of Macedonia (SDSM), a party otherwise known for its fervent backing of the Ohrid Agreement, to try to bring about a reasonable deal: the retaining of the key phrase "Macedonian people" in the preamble of the Constitution in return for certain concessions. As it turned out, the offer was rejected. Two major Albanian signatories feigned indifference... No one dares predict how the two-thirds majority needed for the adoption of the amendment is to ever be secured.
Euro-diplomat Javier Solana and the American envoy James Pardew were expected in Skopje on Monday for another round of talks aimed at, as was speculated in the press, exerting pressure on their hosts concerning the promised amnesty. And to give a push to the parliamentary procedure for adopting the amendments, as well. Then somebody, in Brussels or some such place, realized that the "pressure" team was not strong enough, reinforcing it with Pardew's colleague from the EU, Francois Leotard, and good old Max van der Stoel representing OSCE. Solana's visit was cancelled and rescheduled for Thursday so that he could be joined by Chris Patten, EU External Affairs Commissioner.
On Tuesday, Pardew and Leotard set themselves to work, falling into a brawl with the Speaker of the parliament Stojan Andov on account of the parliamentary session to be convened for the adoption of the amendments. A day earlier, during a meeting with the families of the kidnapped Macedonians, Andov had promised that there is to be no summoning of the parliament until the fate of the kidnapped is known. In other words, he changed his mind, seeing that he had previously set the date of the session for October 5.
In response to objections that the parliamentary procedure is progressing sluggishly, the Speaker proclaimed that he was acting according to a agreement with NATO Secretary General, to which a fuming Pardew responded by "explaining" that his bosom friend Leotard and himself are in charge of the political, while the military aspect of the peace agreement is what Mr. Robertson is entrusted with. The following day, the media claim, Pardew came close to getting a beating from Prime Minister Georgievski while expounding his view on the state of things in the police training camp in Idrizovo. As the leading Skopje private TV station A1 came to know, the American diplomat informed the Premier that male ethnic Albanians undergoing training over there were being harassed and - that there were even instances of rape of the female trainees!... Enraged, the Prime Minister threw out the unwelcome guest. Purportedly. The version that Bush's envoy conveyed the recommendations of the international community as to how the return of Macedonian security forces into parts of the country controlled by NLA prior to the NATO operation in Macedonia is to look is much more plausible. Anyway, speaking on behalf of the international community, Pardew let it be known that the deployment of army and police forces should not begin before the commitments the four party leaders took upon themselves under the Ohrid Agreement are met, in other words : not until the amendments to the Constitution were adopted, the law on home-rule passed, the police briefed as to the appropriate conduct on a "touchy" terrain, controversial reservists removed from police ranks, amnesty granted.... So, the Premier ran amuck!
At about the same time, in the same government building, Interior Minister Ljube Boskovski proclaimed that he was losing his patience and that on Thursday the police would start returning to the crisis regions. The international envoys were agape! No such agreement was ever made...
Macedonians hold no grudges against Chris Patten (under the condition that Solana keeps his silence). Commissioner Patten could thus play a trump-card: attempt to point out the subtle tie between good manners and the money flowing into the country following a donors' conference. But, as it now seems, after having done their sums, some topnotch negotiators have concluded that a crisis pays off much better. Donations are never as profitable as fees from arms deals.
ZELJKO BAJIC
(AIM)