Extradition of Slobodan Milosevic

Farewell on St. Vitus' Day

All those who believe that Serbia's past decade has flown forever by one helicopter and one airplane flight are very wrong. Coming face to face with it will last much longer than the trial in the Hague

AIM Belgrade, July 2, 2001

“Brethren Serbs, good-bye!” According to Nedeljni telegraf this was the last sentence former president of FR Yugoslavia Slobodan Milosevic uttered in Belgrade. Whether the first uttered sentence in his declaration concerning the indictment of the Hague Tribunal will be “I am not guilty” or “I do not recognise this court”, will be known on July 3.

On St. Vitus' Day, on June 28, 2001 – on the day when Milosevic was extradited to the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia – a politician did not justify the expectations that he would become a statesman, and another who was not expected to do so by anyone, reached a statesman's decision.

This is what followed: the fall of the federal government, the biggest crisis of FR Yugoslavia in its ten-year existence, the unexpected success of the donors' conference in Brussels, the even less expected fair winds for the project of independence of President Milo Djukanovic, the expected impotence and ineffectiveness of the Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS) in defence of its boss, and even more expected split within the Democratic Opposition of Serbia (DOS), and journalists, policemen and homosexuals who got beaten up. But, first things first.

President of FR Yugoslavia Vojislav Kostunica said in his statement for the public that he had not known that Milosevic would be extradited to the Hague Tribunal, that it was a hasty, unconstitutional and illegal decision that nobody from abroad had asked for, but that caused divisions and unrest in the country. There is some truth in his words. However, Kostunica did not offer an alternative. He said nothing about what was to be done after the Law on Cooperation with the Hague Tribunal which he himself had initiated proved a failure;

what could have been done when the federal Constitutional Court consisting of loyal Milosevic's cadre, placed a ban on the decree of the federal government on the legal framework of the relations with the Tribunal; in general, what could be done when the international community, as the only condition for the aid to FR Yugoslavia and its re-integration into the normal world requires extradition of the indicted especially because in nine months since October 5 there have been no signals that any trial in connection with the Hague indictments was in preparation in the country? Due to absence of answers to these questions, Kostunica's declaration left the impression on many as washing hands of responsibility for an extremely unpopular decision and a way to keep at any cost the high political rating in the electorate.

Prime Minister of the Republic of Serbia Zoran Djindjic, who unlike Kostunica has never been distinguished by a principled nature, cut the crisis short in a truly principled way. Having promptly implemented the rules of the Hague Tribunal, he rose above daily political interests and speculations and together with the whole government, made the only possible decision. Without beating about the bush, he admitted that who's might he's right – that continuation of political-bureaucratic-pettifogging games would cost Serbia its credibility and credit. Referring to the future, Djindjic sacrificed his personal popularity and accepted full responsibility for consequences.

Montenegrin Socialist People's Party (SNP) of Predrag Bulatovic and Zoran Zizic appears as if doing its best to deprive any form of Yugoslavia of every sense. The fall of the federal government as the result of resignation of Montenegrin ministers because of extradition of Milosevic, brought greatest benefit to Milo Djukanovic. Montenegrin President who had been knocked down after parliamentary elections has recovered now – has not he claimed for a long time that the joint state is not possible regardless of who represents Montenegro in Belgrade. It is difficult to see a way out of the crisis: an interim solution and an interim government are not controversial, but the manner of redefining the federation is, with the two Montenegrin political blocks – one which does not want it and the other whose support is politically counter-productive. After all, in Serbia itself there are less and less of those who are ready to either beg or use force in order to make anyone live in the same state with them.

As far as force is concerned, the Socialists and the Radicals would gladly use it if they could, but they cannot, so the rage at the pathetic and insipid gatherings of Milosevic's supporters is taken out on newspaper photographers and cameramen. Without its leader and disoriented, at it street gatherings SPS is achieving nothing but offering another stage apart from the Assembly platform to Serb Radical Party (SRS) of Vojislav Seselj, for their lowest demagogy and self-advertising. The fear of the Socialists is not small – the Hague, but also the criminal proceedings against its officials – threaten to strike out this party from the register of parliamentary parties very soon. All things considered, shouts “Uprising, uprising”, “We shall kill Djindjic” and similar are nothing else but a memorial service to a man and his policy which has brought Serbia to the verge of ruin.

Separation of Democratic Party of Serbia (DSS) of Vojislav Kostunica into a group of deputies separate from that of DOS many interpreted as the end of the coalition. Nevertheless, one should be cautious: overthrowing of the government would be the collapse of the reforms that have already begun and it would open a deep political crisis. New elections would hardly solve anything – even if DSS hypothetically won a majority and established the government on its own, sooner or later it would have to do exactly the same as the existing one, but after a lot of lost time and in significantly deteriorated circumstances. A coalition with the Socialists or the Radicals would indeed be a political suicide; after all, nobody is even hinting at such a possibility.

That is why the act of DSS should be considered as broadening of its influence on the part of the electorate that is discontented with the performance of DOS in the intention to make the most of it when the right time comes.

That extradition of Slobodan Milosevic to the Tribunal in the Hague is a nine days wonder is best testified by the homosexuals who were frantically beaten up downtown Belgrade by brutal bloodthirsty fans of Red Star, Partisan and Rad football teams, when the former tried to celebrate the Day of Pride, June 30. The scenes of wild mistreatment, brawling, attacks on the policemen who defended themselves by firing in the air were much more dramatic than anything that has happened after Milosevic's “journey” to the Hague. But that does not at all mean that by that one helicopter and one airplane flight Serbia's past decade has forever flown away. Everybody who thinks so is terribly wrong – now has the time come for coming face to face with it. And that will last much longer than the trial.

Philip Schwarm

(AIM)